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the day in all its branches-history, the drama, and lighter works. I wished to have shown here, as some day I yet hope to show, in the journalism, in the philosophy, in the religion of France, in all these productions of human intellect, in all these manifestations of existing opinions, and in all the changes which each has undergone, that great change-the change in the distribution of property. I wished to have shown how this revolution has been the real revolution in Francenot in destroying, but in blending itself with the old character, the old history, and the old influences of the French people—and it is on this union, it is on this amalgamation of property and opinion-of what is moral and material in a country-that its present reposes and its future depends.

A vast field opens before me; a field in which I see institutions that we may compare with our own, and which we can compare with advantage, when we have seen how they are blended, with a character, and a history, and influences, and a state of property, entirely dissimilar from ours.

I do not, then, bid farewell to you, gentle reader. I hope one day to resume my task; and let me venture to promise, if I do pursue the subject I have before me, you will find at every page new proofs of that truth which, borrowing the words of the great Roman statesman, I took for the commencement of this book, and now take for its conclusion-"EST ADMIRABILIS QUÆDAM CONTINUATIO SERIESQUE RERUM, UT ALIA EX ALIA NEXA ET OMNES INTER SE APTE, COLLIGATÆQUE VIDEANTUR.

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APPENDIX.

Vol. II. page 13.

THESE reports are too long to find their room in the appendix; but they are most interesting to any one wishing to know the state of parties at that time in France, and the causes which, gradually developing themselves, produced the revolution of July. They are to be found in the History of the Restoration, to which I have once or twice referred; a book very unequally written, and far too long for the matter it contains, but still presenting, in a collected form, more information of the time it treats of than can elsewhere be met with. M. Lacretelle's work is also worth attending to.

Vol. II. page 29.

The address first expressed the consent of the Chamber to the views taken by his majesty relative to the negotiations that were opened for the reconciliation of the princes of the House of Braganza; the commission expressed the wish that a termination should be put to the evils under which Portugal was groaning.

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"Sans porter atteinte au principe sacré de la légitimité, inviolable pour les rois non moins que pour les peuples. Cependant, sire, au milieu des sentimens unanimes de respect et d'affection donc votre peuple vous entoure, il se manifeste dans les esprits une vive inquiétude qui trouble la sécurité dont la France avait commencé à jouir, altère les sources de sa prospérité, et pourrait, si elle se prolongeait, devenir funeste à son repos. Notre conscience, notre honneur, la fidélité que nous vous avons jurée, et que nous vous garderons toujours, nous imposent le devoir de vous en dévoiler la cause.

La

charte que nous devons à la sagesse de votre auguste prédécesseur, et dont votre majesté a la ferme volonté de consolider le bienfait, consacre comme un droit l'intervention du pays dans la délibération des intérêts publics.

"Cette intervention devait être, elle est, en effet indirecte, sagement mesurée, circonscrite dans des limites exactement tracées, et que nous ne souffrirons jamais que l'on ose tenter de franchir; mais elle est positive dans son résultat, car elle fait du concours permanent des vues politiques de votre gouvernement avec les vœux de votre peuple, la condition indispensable de la marche réguliere des affaires publiques. Sire, notre loyauté, notre dévouement, nous condamnent à vous dire que ce concours n'existe pas. Une défiance injuste des entimens et de la raison de la France est aujourd'hui la pensée fondamentale de l'administration: votre peuple en afflige parcequ'elle est injurieuse pour lui, il s'en inquiète parcequ'elle est menaçante pour ses libertés. Cette défiance ne saurait approcher de votre noble cœur. Non, sire, la France ne veut pas plus de l'anarchie que vous ne voulez du despotisme; elle est digne que vous ayez foi dans sa loyauté comme elle a foi dans vos promesses. Entre ceux, qui méconnaissent une nation si calme, si fidèle, et nous qui, avec une conviction profonde, venons déposer dans votre sein les douleur de tout un peuple jaloux de l'estime et de la confiance de son roi, que la haute sagesse de votre majesté prononce! Ses royales prérogatives ont placé dans ses mains les moyens d'assurer entre les pouvoirs de l'etat cette harmonie constitutionelle, première et necessaire condition de la force du trône et de la grandeur de la France."

Vol. II. page 72.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTA OF FRANCE.

As given June 4th, 1814, by Louis XVIII., born King by the grace of God.

As accepted Aug. 9th, 1830, by Louis Philippe I., elected King by the choice of the nation.

ARTICLE I.

All Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whatsoever be their titles or ranks.

II.

They are to contribute indiscriminately, according to their several fortunes, to the support of the state.

III.

They are all equally admissible to all civil and military employments.

IV.

Their individual liberty is equally assured; no one can be prosecuted or arrested but in cases provided for by the law, and according to its prescribed forms.

V.

Every person may with equal liberty profess his religion, and obtain for his creed the same protection.

VI.

Nevertheless, the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion is the established religion of the state.-Suppressed.

VII.

The ministers of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, and those of other Christian sects, may alone receive salaries from the royal treasury.

VIII.

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Frenchmen have the right to publish and to cause to be printed their opinions, conformable to the laws enacted for the suppression of any abuse of the said liberty.

VI.

The ministers of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, as professed by the bulk of the French nation, and those of other Christian sects, may alone receive salaries from the public treasury.

VII.

Frenchmen have the right to publish or cause to be printed their opinions, conformable to the laws. The censor can never be re-established.

IX.

All property is inviolable, without any exception for that which is termed national, the law knowing no distinction between them.

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