historical summary account of the first voyages made by the English and French, for the discovery and settlement of North America, to which, and to the arguments drawn from it, it would be sufficient to answer in general, that the question now in discussion is not which nation has the right to Acadia or Nova Scotia, but what were the ancient limits of that country; that several treaties between the two Crowns have long since interposed to determine upon, and indeed annul, any claim from the earliest discovery or settlement, and that very little information can be reasonably expected for deciding what were the ancient boundaries of this country from the proceedings of those who first discovered it, or the relations of their voyages, it being well known how indistinctly first discoveries of all countries have been made (every pilot or admiral taking possession of a vast tract of a country he never saw, upon the pretence of having lauded in a part of it), and in how very imperfect and suspicious a manner the relations of those voyages have come down to us. [To correct the mistakes and show that they do not acquiesce in the claim of precedency set up by the French Commissaires, the English Commissioners consent to enter into this matter, and for this purpose only.] To enter more minutely than this into the examination of the history contained in these articles, would be to depart from the proper subject before us, to assist in a certain degree towards changing the real object of the present inquiry, and in part to rest the decision of it upon insufficient evidence and improper inquiry.

As to the distinction, in such national discussions, of rights founded upon earliest discovery, was there ever any further enquiry made than which was the earliest discovery? and such discovery once proved, was it ever afterwards examined whether it was made acciden tally in the course of another undertaking, or whether the ships were originally destined for that particular design, or if the single object of the voyage was the settling a plantation on that particular coast? Surely this way of reasoning is entirely new, nor has any nation ever yet suffered a title founded upon earliest discovery to be arraigned upon such a subtle but groundless distinction. As to the particulars brought in support of it, such of them as would be of any weight if they were true, are mistakes, and such as are true signify nothing. It would be some argument to show this voyage was the adventure of Cabot, not made on the part of Henry VII., if all the ships which sailed under Cabot's command had been defrayed at his expense, and been his property; but it appears from the best authority, that, besides the ships he bought by the King's permission, several others accompanied him, fitted out by private merchants, subjects of Great Britain, who became parties to the undertaking. It would also be a circumstance very favourable to the interpretation the French Commissaires put upon this voyage, if Henry VII. had not in his Letters Patent inserted a word by which he reserves to himself and to his crown, dominion and royalty in all the lands which shall be discovered or settled by Cabot; but it is expressly there said, that Cabot and his heirs shall hold all such lands as he shall discover and settle, as vassals of the Crown, though the immediate profit of the voyage, and various exemptions in holding what lands shall be discovered, are granted to Cabot and his heirs as rewards for their industry, and a recompense for their expense. These two objections, therefore, which if they were well grounded would have some weight, are founded upon circumstances which are not true.

CORRUPTION AMONG CANADIAN OFFICIALS, 1759.*

M. DE MONTCALM TO MARSHAL DE BELLEISLE-EXTRACTS.

MONTREAL, 12th April, 1759.

Canada will be taken this campaign, and assuredly during the next, if there be not some unforeseen good luck, a powerful diversion by sea against the English Colonies, or some gross blunders on the part of the enemy.

*N. Y. Hist. Col., Vol. X, p. 960.

The English have 60,000 men, we, at most, from 10 to 11,000. Our government is good for nothing; money and provisions will fail. Through want of provisions, the English will begin first; the farms scarcely tilled, cattle lack; the Canadians are dispirited; no confidence in M. de Vaudreuil or in M. Bigot. M. de Vaudreuil is incapable of preparing a plan of operations; he has no activity; he lends his confidence to empirics rather than to the General sent by the King. M. Bigot appears occupied only in making a large fortune for himself, his adherents and sycophants; cupidity has seized officers, store-keepers; the commissaries also, who are about the River St. John or the Ohio, or with the Indians in the upper country, are amassing astonishing fortunes. It is nothing but forged certificates legally admitted. If the Indians had a fourth of what is supposed to be expended for them, the King would have all those in America; the English, none.

This interest has an influence on the war. M. de Vaudreuil, with whom men are equal, led by a knavish Secretary and interested associates, would confide a vast operation to his brother, or any other colonial officer, the same as to Chevalier de Levis. The choice concerns those who divide the cake; therefore has there never been any desire to send M. de Bourlamaque, or M. de Senezergues, commandant of the batallion of La Sarre, to Fort Duquesne. I did propose it; the King had gained by it; but what Superintendents in a country whose humblest cadet, a sergeant, a gunner, return with twenty, thirty thousand livres in certificates, for goods issued for the Indians on account of His Majesty.

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Everybody appears to be in a hurry to make his fortune before the Colony is lost, which event, many perhaps desire as an impenetrable veil over their conduct. The craving after wealth has an influence on the war, and M. de Vaudreuil does not doubt it. Instead of reducing the expenses of Canada, people wish to retain all; how abandon positions which serve as a pretext to make private fortunes. Transportation is distributed to favourites. The agreement with the contractor is as unknown to me as it is to the public. It is reported that those who have invaded commerce participate in it. Has the King need of purchasing goods for the Indians? Instead of buying them directly, a favourite is notified, who purchases at any price whatever. Then, M. Bigot has been removed to the King's stores, allowing a profit of one hundred and even one hundred and fifty per cent. to those who it is desired to favour. Is artillery to be transported, gun-carriages, carts, implements to be made? M. Mercier, Commandant of the Artillery, is the contractor under other people's names. Everything is done badly and at a high price. This officer, who came out twenty years ago a simple soldier, will be soon worth about six or seven hundred thousand livres, perhaps a million, if these things continue. I have often respectfully spoken to M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot of these expenses; each throws the blame on his colleague. The people, alarmed at these expenses, fear a depreciation in the paper money of the country; the evil effect is, the Canadians who do not participate in those illicit profits, hate the Government.

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It is foreign to my character to blame M. de Vaudreuil and M. Bigot, depositaries of His Majesty's authority in Canada. I am even attached to M. Bigot, who is an amiable man and a near relative of M. de Pussieux and Marshal D'Estrees, who honour me with their friendship.

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If there be peace, the Colony is lost if the entire government be not changed. The maxims of the book entitled L'ami de l'homme must be followed to disgrace those who will return from Colonies with wealth, and to reward those who will return from them with the staff and scrip with which they had gone forth.

The general census of Canada has been at last completed. Though it has not been communicated to me, think I'm correct, that there are not more than 82,000 souls in the Colony; of these, twelve thousand at most, are men capable of bearing arms; deducting from this number those employed in works, transports, bateaux, in the upper countries, no more than seven thousand Canadians will ever be collected together, and then it must not be either seed time or harvest, otherwise by calling all out, the ground would remain uncultivated, famine would follow. Our eight battalions will make three thousand two hundred men ; the Colonials, at most fifteen hundred men in the field. What is that against at least fifty thousand men, which the English have.

EXTRACTS FROM BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S LETTERS TO HIS SON,* 1766-68.

May 10, 1766.-I like the project of a colony in the Illinois country, and will forward it to my utmost here.

Aug. 25.-I can now only add that I shall endeavour to accomplish all that you and your friends desire relating to the settlement westward.

Sept. 12.-I have just received Sir William's open letter to Secretary Conway, recommending your plan for a colony in the Illinois, which I am glad of. I have closed and sent it to him. He is not now in that Department; but it will of course go to Lord Shelburne, whose good opinion of it I have reason to hope for--and I think Mr. Conway was rather against distant Posts and settlements in America. We have, however, suffered a loss in Lord Dartmouth, who I know was inclined to grants there in favour of the soldiery, and Lord Hillsborough is said to be terribly afraid of dispeopling Ireland. Gen. Lyman has been long here soliciting such a grant, and will readily join the interest he has made with ours; and I should wish for a body of Connecticut settlers, rather than all from our frontiers. I purpose waiting on Lord Shelburne on Tuesday, and hope to be able to send you his sentiments by Falconer, who is to sail about the 20th. A good deal, I imagine, will depend on the account when it arrives of Mr. Crogan's negotiation in that country. This is an affair I shall seriously set about; but there are such continual changes here that it is very discouraging to all applications to be made to the Ministry. I thought the last set to be well established; but they are broken and gone. The present set are hardly thought to stand very firm, and God only knows whom we are to have next. The plan is, I think, well drawn, and, I imagine, Sir William's approbation will go a great way in recommending it, as he is much relied on in all affairs that may have any relation to the Indians. Lord Adam Gordon is not in town, but I shall take the first opportunity of conferring with him. I thank the Company for their willingness to take me in, and one or two others that I may nominate. I have not yet concluded whom to propose to it; but I suppose our friend Sergeant should be one. I wish you had allowed me to name more, as there will be in the proposed country, by reckoning, near sixty-three millions of acres, and therefore enough to content a great number of reasonable people; and by numbers we might increase the weight of interest here. But per haps we shall do without.

Sept. 27. I have mentioned the Illinois affair to Lord Shelburne. His Lordship has read your plan for establishing a colony there, recommended by Sir William Johnson, and said it appeared to him a reasonable scheme; but he found it did not quite rate with the sentiments of people here; that their objections to it were, the distance, which would make it of little use to this country, as the expense on the carriage of goods would oblige the people to manufacture for themselves; that it would for the same reason be difficult both to defend it and to govern it; that it might lay the foundation of a Power in the heart of America, which in time might be troublesome to the other colonies, and prejudicial to our government over them; and the people were wanted both here and in the already settled colonies, so that none could be spared for a new colony. These arguments, he said, did not appear of much weight, and I endeavoured by others to invalidate them entirely. But his lordship did not declare whether he would or would not promote the undertaking, and we are to talk further upon it.

I communicated to him two letters of Mr. Crogan's, with his journal, and one or two of yours on the subject, which he said he would read and consider; and I left with him one of Evan's maps of the middle colonies, in the small scale part of which I had marked with a wash of red ink the whole country included in your boundaries. His lordship remarked that this would coincide with General Lyman's project, and that they might be united.

Sept. 30,-I have just had a visit from Gen. Lyman, and a good deal of conversation on the Illinois scheme. He tells me that Mr. Morgan, who is Under-Secretary of the Southern Department, is much pleased with it, and we are to go together to talk to him concerning it.

* Spark's "Franklin," vol. IV, pp. 233-41.

Oct. 11.-I was again with Lord Shelburne a few days since, and said a good deal to him on the affair of the Illinois settlement. He was pleased to say that he really approved of it; but intimated that every new proposed expense for America would meet with great difficulty here, the Treasury being alarmed and astonished at the growing charges there, and the heavy accounts and drafts continually brought in from thence; that Major Farmer, for instance, had lately drawn for no less than 30,000 pounds, extraordinary charges, on his going to take possession of the Illinois, and that the Superintendents, particularly the Southern one, began also to draw very largely. He spoke, however, handsomely of Sir William on many accounts.

Nov. 8. Mr. Jackson has now come to town. The ministry have asked his opinion and advice on your plan of a colony in the Illinois, and he has just sent me to peruse his answer in writing, in which he warmly recommends it, and enforces it by strong reasons, which give me great pleasure, as it corroborates what I have been saying on the same topic, and from him appears less to be suspected of some American bias.

June 13, 1767.-The Illinois affair goes forward but slowly. Lord Shelburne told me again last week that he highly approved of it, but others were not of his sentiments, particularly the Board of Trade. Lyman is almost out of patience, and now talks of carrying out his settlers without leave.

Aug. 28.-Last week I dined at Lord Shelburne's, and had a long conversation with him and Mr. Conway (there being no other company) on the subject of reducing the American expenses. They have it in contemplation to return the management of Indian affairs into the hands of the several provinces, on which the nations border, that the colonies may bear the charge of treaties and the like, which they think will be then managed more frugally, the Treasury being tired with the immense drafts of the Superintendents.

I took the opportunity of urging it as one mode of saving expense in supporting the outposts that a settlement should be made in the Illinois country, expatiated on the various advantages, namely, furnishing provisions cheaper to the garrisons securing the country, retaining the trade, raising a strength there, which on occasion of a future war, might easily be poured down the Mississippi upon the lower country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba, the French islands, or Mexico itself. I mentioned your plan, its being approved of by Sir William Johnson, and the readiness and ability of the gentlemen concerned to carry the settlement into execution with very little expense to Goverment. Secretaries appeared finally to be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle but the Board of Trade, which was to be brought over privately before the matter was referred to them officially. In case of laying aside the Superintendents, a provision was thought of for Sir William Johnson. He will be made Governor of the new colony.

The

Oct. 9.-I returned last night from Paris, and just now hear that the Illinois settlement is approved of in the Cabinet Council so far as to be referred to the Board of Trade for their opinion, who are to consider it next week.

Nov. 13. Since my return, the affair of the Illinois settlement has been renewed. The King in Council referred the proposal to the Board of Trade, who called for the opinion of the merchants on two points, namely whether the settlement of colonies in the Illinois country and at Detroit might not contribute to promote and extend the commerce of Great Britain; and whether the regulation of the Indian trade might not be best left to the several colonies that carry on such trade-both which questions they considered at a meeting, where Mr. Jackson and I were present, and answered in the affirmative unanimously, delivering their report accordingly to the Board.

Nov. 25.-As soon as I received Mr. Galloway's, Mr. S. Wharton's, and Mr. Crogan's letters on the subject of the (Indian) Boundary, I communicated them to Lord Shelburne, He invited me next day to dine with him. Lord Clare was to have been there, but he did not come. There was nobody but Mr. Maclean. My lord new nothing of the boundaries having been agreed on by Sir William; had sent the letters to the Board of Trade, directing search to be made there for Sir William's letters; and ordered Mr. Maclean to search the Secretary's office, who found nothing. We had much discourse about it, and I pressed the importance of despatching orders immediately to Sir William to complete the affair. His lordship asked who was to make the purchase, that is, who should be at the expense. I said that if the line included any lands within the grants of the charter colonies, they should pay the purchase-money of such proportion. If any within the proprietary grants, they should pay

their proportion. But what was within Royal Governments, where the King granted the lands, the Crown should pay for that proportion. His lordship was pleased to say he thought this reasonable. He finally desired me to go to Lord Clare as from him, and urge the business there, which I undertook to do.

I waited next morning on Lord Clare, and pressed the matter of the boundary closely upon him. He agreed upon settling it, but thought there would be some difficulty about who should pay the purchase-money; for that this country was already so loaded, it would bear no more. We then talked of the new colonies. I found he was inclined to think one near the mouth of the Ohio might be of use in securing the country, but did not much approve that at Detroit. And, as to the trade, he imagined it would be of little consequence, if we had it all, but supposed our traders would sell the peltry chiefly to the French and Spaniards at New Orleans, as he had heard they had hitherto done.

March 13, 1768.- The purpose of settling the new colonies seems at present to be dropped, the change of American administration not appearing favourable to it. There seems rather to be an inclination to abandon the posts in the back country, as more expensive than useful. But counsels are so continually fluctuating here that nothing can be depended on. The new Secretary Lord H., is, I find, of opinion that the troops should be placed, the chief part of them, in Canada and Florida.

ON THE COLONIZATION OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY.*

SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON TO THE LORDS OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS.

JOHNSON'S HALL, Jan. 31, 1776.

MY LORDS,I have received the agreeable news of our being in actual possession of the Illinois, the Indians, in consequence of their engagements to Mr. Crogan, having given no obstruction to Captain Stirling or his party, who arrived at Fort Chartres in October last, and were well received.

As the possession of this fine country has been earnestly desired and often in vain attempted since the reduction of Canada, and now proceeds from the late negotiations of my Deputy with the Indians in that quarter, it may not be amiss to offer my thoughts on the best manner for possessing so valuable an acquisition, and render it of real use to the Crown. It will be needless to enlarge upon the natural advantages of soil and situation which this country peculiarly enjoys, these being matters pretty well known; but to avail ourselves of these advantages, it is highly necessary that we should do all in our power to keep the Indians contented, easy, and reconciled to our manners and government, without which we can neither keep up the communication or retain it for any time, and the difficulties and obstructions which have hitherto prevented our possessing it, by way of the Mississippi, are convincing proof of this. Neither is it in our power, with any force to be spared for that service, to ascend the river or cross the country by land to that settlement, if the Indians are at all disposed to obstruct their progress.

The settlements at the Illinois extend for many miles above the Kaskaski River along the Mississippi; the land is extremely fine, and capable of raising anything. Some of the present inhabitants may possibly incline to go home, and our traders will, I dare say, choose to purchase their rights; this may be a foundation for a valuable colony in that country, which, once established, would prove very beneficial to Great Britain, as well as a great check to the large cessions obtained of the natives. But to effect this, and every other purpose, their jealousies and dislikes must be conquered, and they must be convinced by a series of good management and occasional generosity that their suspicions are groundless.

*N. Y. Hist. Doc., Vol. VIII.