offices. It was the start which the missionary institutions gave to English education among Hindu youths that gave them a superior advantage. It was a strange irony of fate that brought a Hindu mob upon inoffensive Christian pastors and missionaries the other day at Lahore.

In their endeavours to promote English education among the people and to develop among them the nationalistic spirit, the missionaries adopted a method which, however expedient from their point of view, has led to consequences which they themselves must regret. With the object of developing 'Christian culture,' as it was called, among the natives' the Mahommedan religion and Mahommedan rulers were persistently represented in an unfavourable light. The same method was afterwards adopted in Government institutions. There was no virtue in Mahommedan rule; the toleration and equal rights enjoyed by all classes under Akbar, Jehangir, and Shah Jehan were nominal; the Mahratta rising was a patriotic revolt against alien rulers! The ultimate tendency of these teachings on impressionable minds was lost sight of. Sivaji celebrations were not discouraged, as they only embodied sentiments of antipathy to Mahommedan rulers! Naturally, opprobrious epithets towards Mahommedans became common among certain classes. The result is what the veteran Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk described in his speech at Lucknow in response to Mr. Gokhale's invitation to the leading Mahommedans to throw in their lot with the Congress, that English education, by developing an exclusive and somewhat intolerant spirit of nationalism on one side, had done more than any other cause to estrange the two nationalities whose destinies are so intimately connected and on whose amicable co-operation in the work of progress and reform depends the whole future of India.

Nowhere were the relations between the two races more cordial than in Upper India; they spoke the same tongue, wrote in the same character, observed the same customs. In an unlucky moment an ill-conceived administrative order created a breach which there are grounds for fear may widen still further.

It was hardly to be expected that the antipathy unconsciously fostered against one alien rule, even though it might belong to the past, would not extend itself to any other dominancy.

Moderate people among all classes and creeds deplore the turn affairs have taken; they apprehend, not without reason, that it may seriously jeopardise the progress of the country and the introduction of reforms. Organs of public opinion, men of standing, all alike condemn the extravagance of language which has now become a source of public danger. But unfortunately their counsel does not seem to have much weight. To judge even approximately of the tension 2 The Hindu Patriot, the Indian Social Reformer, and the Indian Mirror, not to name others, are very decided in their condemnation of extremist' methods.

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which prevails, one must belong to the country. If the official classes alone had been the objects of unpopularity, it might be thought that they were considered the unsympathetic instruments of an oppressive government. Unfortunately all Englishmen seem at the present moment to be objects of aversion; and the ignorant classes do not wait to make any difference between official and non-official, sympathiser and non-sympathiser. The term Feringhee, which formerly was applied only to Eurasians of low degree, is now the common appellation of all Europeans. Prominent Hindus may not maintain friendly relations with Europeans or entertain European friends without being subjected to serious annoyances and molestations. It is even said that the feeling has extended to the professional classes, which hitherto were wholly impervious to it. One can only trust that the report is not true.

Had this phase remained confined to one part of the country there would have been no difficulty in satisfactorily solving the problem, but its appearance in an aggravated form in a province inhabited by far more vigorous races naturally furnishes grounds for anxiety. It is true that a certain measure relating to the assessment of Government lands in what are called 'the Punjab colonies' has proved unpopular among the classes affected by it. Apparently there is some ground for complaint, and the objections of the Zemindars have, in a reasonable and moderate form, found expression in their journals. Their representations have already attracted the attention of the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, who seems to have taken steps to deal with the complaint in a sympathetic spirit.

It is difficult to believe that an unpopular measure alone could have imparted the peculiarly violent character to the outbreaks in the three principal cities of the Punjab, in the course of which the English missionaries, who have so often been the champions of the popular cause, should have been particularly singled out for maltreatment. Hitherto a Punjabi has not easily fraternised with an inhabitant of the Lower Provinces. Evidently the extremist feeling which is so pronounced in Bengal has made its way into the Punjab.

So far the fermentation does not appear to have spread in any acute form to the United Provinces. But few people think that they can long remain unaffected by the spirit which is passing over the land. Even if no efforts were made to drag them into the campaign, the feelings, hopes, and aspirations which are working in the neighbouring provinces must in the course of things produce their natural effect. To say that the situation does not require the highest statesmanship is to court disaster.

The unlucky coincidence which made the recent riots in the Punjab almost contemporaneous with the anniversary of those dark days when India was plunged in the horrors of bloodshed created among the nervously-inclined in England and elsewhere a feeling of alarm.

and anticipation of trouble. This feeling was not likely to be allayed by the attempt, on the part of the 'Free India League,' to commemorate in London 'the Jubilee of the Patriotic Rising of 1857'! Whatever the motive which prompted the attempt, whether bravado or otherwise, it was deplorable. For the sooner that episode is forgotten the better, for both India and England.

One thing is certain, no such outburst as the great Mutiny is ever likely to recur. It is not the military resources at the command of Government which make it impossible; the causes which gave it birth are dead. The only force with which the administrator will have to reckon in the future is the strong nationalistic feeling which so many circumstances have combined to foster and stimulate. Wisely directed, it might become the means of great good to the people. It might encourage national education, develop national industry and enterprise, help in the cultivation of arts and literature. Misdirected, it is certain to cause incalculable harm, to plunge the country into strife and disorder; drive the Government to adopt unwelcome measures for the repression of disturbance to public peace, and render the administration on progressive and sympathetic lines impossible. But this seems to be the very object the militant section have set before themselves. They deride what they call the 'milk and water' programme of the Moderates. Swaraj is their dream, and in its pursuit they appear resolved to go to extremes. One has only to study the extremist literature with which the country is flooded, to judge, not only of their aims and the method of their work, but also the efforts that are made to stimulate discontent with the present order of things.

I do not write as an alarmist; my sympathies are all on the side of progress and reform, and even the aspirations of nationalism within. constitutional and legitimate limits. But I think that the man, particularly the statesman, who neglects the signs visible to the naked eye, will have a grave indictment to answer at the bar of history.

The character of the situation is thus pithily summed up by a distinguished Hindu graduate of the University of Columbia who is reported to have told his audience that Hindu civilisation was now pitted against English civilisation.'

The views of a prominent leader of the Congress expressed in an Indian newspaper on the causes of the unrest in Eastern Bengal were thought of sufficient importance to form the subject of a telegraphic communication to England. He considered that the unrest in Bengal is due to a belief which prevails among the more ignorant classes that the Government will support the Mahommedans against the Hindus.' And on this statement an English journal based this excellent homily, that this belief, until experience corrects it,

are were

will excite both sides to excesses.' What these excesses explained the other day to the House of Commons by the Minister

responsible for the good government of India. I am not prepared to believe Mr. Dutt gave expression to the opinion with which he has been credited. But if he did so, I venture to think that he has done an injustice to those whom he calls 'the more ignorant classes.' The ferment, as he knows, is primarily due to men who can hardly be called 'ignorant,' and who would probably resent its application to them by anybody, except perhaps by one of their own leaders. The really 'ignorant classes' have no such belief, except where it may have been instilled into them by persons better acquainted with facts. The fomenters of the unrest' know perfectly well that Government has not the faintest notion of supporting the Mahommedans or showing them any undue favour. They know, as the Mahommedans know, that in its dealings with the Mussulmans it has always subordinated considerations of equity to expediency, that in deference to Hindu feelings it has maintained an impartial attitude which had this peculiar quality that it often inclined the scale towards the majority. Mr. Dutt's statement-if, indeed, he is correctly reported— seems very like the proverbial red herring trailed across the path of the timorous administrator. This dexterous attempt will probably have one effect, it will still more disincline the British Government to show consideration to Mahommedan claims or Mahommedan worth, lest at this juncture it might be construed into favouring the Mahommedans, and thus offend the sensitive feelings of these 'ignorant classes.'

The leading Mahommedans of Eastern Bengal, in conjunction with prominent Hindus, are striving to restore harmony between the two communities; but, judging from reports, malevolent endeavours are not wanting to nullify their efforts. So far the Mahommedans as a body have under the most trying circumstances exercised great self-restraint and moderation. They appear to have withstood all attempts to exasperate them or to goad them to put themselves in the wrong. They will probably have need in the future for still greater self-restraint and forbearance, and this need, I think, the leaders of the Mussulman community should carefully impress on the bulk of their people. They will gain nothing by losing self-control they will only play into the hands of those who wish to create mischief. They must remember that in any disturbance, however provoked, they are more likely to receive harsher measures, lest leniency might be construed into favouritism. They must look to the law of the land for redress of grievance and protection from annoyance and provocation. Nor must they forget that in India particularly law is a game for the rich, and as a community they are not rich. For protection from persecution they must trust, as they have hitherto trusted, to the justice of British rule. It is impossible to suppose that, in spite of the volume of sound which drowns their claims, their voice will always remain unheard.

I have so long dwelt on the outward manifestations of a new force, though not altogether unprecedented in the history of India-a force full of momentous potentialities. Whether the movement can be turned into salutary channels must be a subject for anxious consideration to all, Indians and Englishmen alike, who are interested in the peaceful development of the country and people.

In my opinion neither temporary measures of repression nor of mere conciliation which gratify individual or sectional ambitions will have more than a passing effect. We know that when justice is on the alert the mischief-maker lies low; the moment its watchfulness is relaxed his machinations begin again. Repressive measures continuously applied breed ill-will and further the purpose of those whose object is to sow distrust in the minds of the people. Attempts to temporise or soothe feelings, factitious or real, are apt to be misconstrued; and the answers they bring sound like the cry of the daughters of the horse-leech.'

As a remedy for the unrest in the country, it was recently suggested by an eminent Indian, whose position lends weight to his opinions, that a member of the Royal Family of England nearly connected to the throne should be sent to India as a Regent for the same term of years as an ordinary civilian. He was, however, to act merely as a figure-head without any hand or part in the actual administration. The office of Viceroy was to be abolished, and instead there was to be a Prime Minister whose functions would not be dissimilar. Although the idea was cleverly propounded and seems by its novelty to have caught the fancy of some, it is difficult to see how the Regency -whatever attractions it might possess for Rajahs and Nawabswould achieve the desired result. With all respect, the suggestion misses not only the nature of the complaint for which the remedy is prescribed, but also the difficulties which surround its application.

The problem which faces the Government requires consideration from a broader standpoint. It is not enough to apply palliatives without endeavouring to get at the root of the mischief. The first effort no doubt should be to restore order and to give effective protection to law-abiding subjects of the Crown. The policy of letting things slide, of coquetting with malevolence, must be abandoned. But, without relaxing for a moment the attitude of watchfulness or ceasing to repress disorders and open or covert incitements to sedition, steps should be taken to neutralise the propaganda of ill-will and racial feud by inviting all people interested in the maintenance of peace and good government to assist in the restoration of better feeling and harmonious relations between the different communities.

The Mahommedan historian of India, writing under the auspices of the first English Governor-General, describes thus the cordial relations which, in the course of centuries, had grown up between the Hindus and Mahommedans.