honourability and independence of the judges, but to the less wellinformed reader it may well appear sound reasoning.

I agree with the writer's assumption that the four British officials and the four elected British subjects would presumably generally vote together. And for the sake of argument it may be admitted that the five 'unofficial members nominated by the Egyptian Government' would, as a rule, vote with the eight Englishmen. But even this would only give thirteen votes out of thirty-six. The question of the seven judges remains. Now, Lord Cromer thus sums up his proposal as regards these seven members :

In the next place, I would propose that seven judges should be named members of the Council-namely, the Vice-President of the Native Court of Appeal, provided he is a European, and six judges of the mixed Courts. As regards the selection of the latter, some-for instance, the Vice-President of the Court of Appeal and the Presidents of the Courts of First Instance-might be ex officio members, and the remainder chosen by the whole body of magistrates, or the latter procedure might be adopted in the case of all the selections.

Inasmuch as the judges are picked men of the highest integrity, of different nationalities, and irremovable during their five years (renewable) mandate except with the consent of the European Power by whom they were nominated, it goes without saying that their votes on the Legislative Council would be given without fear or favour and would be influenced by nothing save the opinion they might form, after mature consideration, for or against any given proposal.

It is true that, on occasion, this opinion might coincide with that of the British Members of the Council, but it is childish to predict, and misleading to affirm, that the British Agency could always, or ever, 'safely count' on their support.

I therefore appeal to writers of articles on Egypt-particularly of controversial articles-to more carefully study their facts before proceeding with their argument. For a certain body of malcontents in Egypt are ever ready to seize on conclusions, if favourable to their views, and are not straightforward enough to admit that the deductions were drawn from inaccurate premises.

I appeal also to cultured gentlemen, like Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, to lend a powerful helping hand in making our task in Egypt easier by being less prone to use their talents in fault-finding; by remembering that our hard-worked officials in Egypt are doing their best; and by refraining from adding fuel to the smouldering embers of discontent. Rather let them pour oil on the troubled waters by assisting in the work of fostering that human concord and good will between the rulers and the ruled which serve as mighty bonds of empire.

I would likewise appeal to Sir Edward Grey, our able Foreign Secretary, to essay to induce the Cabinet to consider whether it would not be an opportune, wise, and statesmanlike policy to cultivate

more cordial relations with the Suzerain Power, and so to strengthen the position of our Ambassador to Turkey as to make it less difficult for him to succeed in persuading the Sultan to refrain from transmitting to Egypt commands which, if obeyed, must cause conflict with the interests of the occupying Power. Further a conciliated suzerain might graciously consent to withdraw from Egypt that disturbing influence, the Turkish High Commissioner, whose position since Sir Henry Drummond Wolff's mission terminated in 1887 has been but a strange anomaly. The gallant and learned Ghazi Mukhtar Pasha, having officially nothing to do save to represent the principle of Turkish suzerainty, has unfortunately employed his idle years and his great abilities in creating mischievous friction, to say nothing of procuring subventions for local newspapers. His disappearance from the Egyptian stage would materially help towards a better understanding, for, as Lord Dufferin said in the concluding phrase of his masterly despatch of the 6th of February, 1883, 'the stability of our handiwork will not be assured unless it is clearly understood by all concerned that no subversive influence will intervene between England and the Egypt she has re-created.'

I hold strongly the opinion that the Khedive Abbas Hilmy has not on every occasion been treated with marked sympathy, but his Highness is now so well known in England, to our gracious King and to many members of the Royal Family, that to gain his entire confidence should need but little effort; but that effort must be made and must be coupled with that uniformly respectful consideration which is due to the Ruler of the Nile Valley.

Lastly I would appeal to the powerful 'Fourth Estate'; but in making this appeal I do not presume to catalogue the many ways in which the Press could serve the country in this matter, for, happily, our editors and sub-editors are gentlemen of great acumen, and of the highest intellect, and are, for the most part, most ably served by their correspondents in Egypt.

It is difficult to treat the aims and demands of the Nationalist party with seriousness. The image will protrude itself of a child wishing to run before it can barely' toddle, or of the same infant crying for some pretty fruit before it is ripe. For, without doubt, the plain fact is that the members of the Nationalist party are not yet ripe for the responsibilities and cares of self-government. I do not mean that there are not clever men in Egypt, for indeed I have the honour of knowing intimately many Egyptian gentlemen of marked intelligence and ability. But they are nearly all ministers or ex-ministers and are too wise to think that Egypt is able at present to walk alone. The National' party does not represent the Nation. Their demands, when not for reforms already contemplated by the Government though postponed owing to financial or other considerations, verge either on the extravagant or on the absurd. For instance, they ask

for the creation of an Egyptian Parliament, though obviously to grant such a demand at present would be tantamount to handing over the country once again to anarchy.

The existing Egyptian General Assembly, which meets once every two years, has just held a Session which lasted but four days, during which short time, and with practically no discussion worthy of the name, eighty-five proposals were considered, and of these fifty-four were hurriedly passed. Reporters were not present, but it soon leaked out that the proceedings were scarcely orderly. The one bright record of this curious Session is the patient reasoning of the Minister of Education on the question of using Arabic as the sole medium of teaching in the schools. Are these men fit to manage the affairs of the Nation? And yet the bulk of them would presumably be members of the wished-for Parliament.

Another of the Nationalist demands, formulated but three months ago, is quaintly naïve. They asked for the formation of Chambers of Commerce-"such as is the rule in all European countries "-to fix the price of necessaries,' being apparently blissfully unaware that prices are governed by the law of supply and demand.

If Egypt really wishes to have its own Constitution it must gain its liberation by means of intellectual progress. For the time being the demand for a Parliament seems futile as well as premature. It will be time enough to seriously consider this grave question when really representative Egyptians—and not a noisy faction-present a reasoned petition for extended powers of self-government.

Doubtless some of the ringleaders, men of little weight for the most part, of the Egyptian malcontents of to-day are so imbued with extravagant ideas that to gain them over to a more reasonable attitude will require that patience which is the rope of advancement in all lines of life'; but a sympathetic attitude towards the rank and file of their followers should quickly induce these last to cease from kicking against the pricks, and to loyally accept the fact which dominates the situation, namely that, in the words of Lord Cromer, the British Government have no intention of exercising the discretionary power vested in them of withdrawing the British garrison from Egypt.'

Not unfrequently is it a hard thing to gain the confidence and sympathy of even those who live as we live, who think as we think, but the difficulty is greater far when we are dealing with peoples whose ways are not as our ways, whose thoughts are not as our thoughts. Yet the attempt is well worth making in the certain hope of assisting in Britain's task in Egypt.

WALTER F. MIÉVILLE.

CHILDREN'S COMPETITIONS

II

IN continuing the specimens of children's work which were given under the above heading in this Review some months ago, it may be as well first to correct the assumption made by a writer in one of the leading provincial organs, viz. that the paper in which this particular Children's Page appeared was published at sixpence a week. Its price was, as a matter of fact, only one penny weekly, so that it came within the reach of very varied classes, though it appealed perhaps more particularly to the upper than to the lower middle-class population.

In the former article examples were given of the work sent in for many different kinds of competitions, but story-writing was not included. It was, however, always a popular competition, and some specimens of the children's work in this line will perhaps be of interest. It must be confessed that the plots of the stories were, as a rule, hopelessly commonplace, though the style in which they were written was often distinctly amusing, and sometimes, after ploughing through a large batch, the reader was rewarded by coming upon a sudden and refreshing hint of originality. One of these seemed to be shown in a story by a child of ten, which began with this sentence: 'Sqweaker was a big indiarubber doll. She was called Sqweaker because when you sqweezed her she sqweaked.'

After telling how the kitchen table was covered with good things which had been prepared for Christmas Day, and how 'Sqweaker' had been left lying on the floor, while her little mistresses played in the next room, it went on:

Suddenly the outside door (which was ajar) opened, and in crept a tramphe walked on four legs, and had a shaggy coat. Patter Patter he went across the floor to the table, then he stepped on Sqweaker, who at once gave a sqweak. The tramp stopped in wonder. Marjorie and Alice hering the squeak came running into the kitchen. Oh, you naughty dog you were going to eat our dinner, shoo, and they frightened the dog outside. Then they ran into the kitchen and picked Sqweaker off the floor. Oh, you darling Sqweaker you've saved our dinner, you shall have a new dress tomorrow as a present.

But sometimes stories much more startling than this came to brighten the lot of the children's editor (though indeed such a lot

could never be a dull one !). The following tale by a little girl of eleven owes much, no doubt, to its weird spelling, but even without that aid it would be amusing:

It was New Years eve, and Edith and Roselind sat in the hall at Magblien Castel in Scotland. Donald, their big brother, was out, but they had stayed at home because of their colds. The great hall was suposed to be haunted, and they had been telling grewsome storys. It was 12 P.M., and they were feeling rather frightned. 'What's that?' said Edith, as a low groan came from behind the scrien. A lady, deathley white, came out and pointed with a bony hand to her throat in which was a bloody dagger. Roselind was struck dum with horer but Edith rushed screaming to the door, where she fell into Donald's 'What's the matter?' he said. Edith pointed, and as the lady faided from their sight Donald wispered, 'It was our ansestor's goast.'

arms.

This is short and to the point, and shows no signs of 'padding,' and there is no doubt the whole scene was vivid enough in the little authoress's mind.

Sometimes a story which began in a quite ordinary manner would come to an unexpected or even dramatic ending, as in the case of a tale of a princess, who, having refused many rich suitors, was told she must marry the first beggar who came to the door. This happened to be a fiddler.

Then the girl began to weep. 'Do not weep,' cried the fiddler. 'Come along, my hut is down this lane, and there we can make a fire and boil a pot.' The princess did not know how to boil a saucepan and she asked the fiddler if he knew and he said, 'Yes, I will show you.' He made no more to do but took a knife, cut off her head. And that was the end of the poor princess.

Does this tale contain a moral pointed at modern 'princesses who do not know how to boil a saucepan? Whether such was the intention of the ten-year-old writer is open to doubt, but, at any rate, we may trust that few modern romances come to such a tragic ending.

The children's opinions on books and their writers were often interesting, and not lacking in the critical faculty. One would not, I think, go far wrong in putting down the writer of the following as a mixture of a bookworm and a tomboy :

I think Reading is my favourite hobby. Boys' books, tales of travel, and fighting; naval battles especially. G. W. Kingston is the author I like best, he writes about the sea generally, some are exceptions, such as 'Manco the Peruvian Chief,' which deals with the adventures of a young Englishman among the Indians, with whom he continually gets mixed. . . . The worldfamed and well-known Scotish writer Sir Walter Scot, has attractions for me, only he writes such long descriptions of scenes, places, dress, and sometimes relationship. . . . Ainsworth's 'Tower of London' and' Windsor Castle,' though somewhat in the Historical line, are books I am fond of, the characters of the dwarf and giants are very interesting.

A competition for the best essay on the writer's favourite poet had some interesting results, though the entries, alas! were not numerous. One child wrote: