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Every effort has been made, but in vain. The result is that some four million human beings are looked upon as a people of the lowest status, their nation a mere ethnological feature of the unitary state of the Magyars, their individual members as worthless creatures, useful only to appease the savagery of a brutal police.

And now their devotion and their heroism are asked of them, to aid in swelling the triumph of a system which aims at their national annihilation. Only the other day Count Tisza, when, assuming the airs of a benevolent despot, he announced certain concessions, so tactless that they were more like affronts, took the opportunity of affirming the absolute necessity of the unitary Magyar state.' Now it is this very attitude which is at the bottom of all the mischief. So long as this unjust and absurd idea prevails, all concessions' they may deign to grant to the Roumanians are nothing but narcotics, intended to deaden the pain of approaching death.

To this demand the Magyar race, by the voice of Count Tisza, master of the destinies of the Dual Monarchy, replies with a hard and brutal non possumus ; and that at a moment when the plains of Galicia are stained with the blood of thousands of Roumanian soldiers, placed, not by accident, in the most exposed positions. A non possumus equally emphatic is the reply of the Roumanians themselves. They bide their time. This is clearly recognised in Roumania; and, whatever action she takes, it will be understood in this, the only possible sense. To live or die a united nation is no watchword of mere sentiment, but the outcome of a carefully thought-out policy, which is bound to have its results. If we are to believe those who neither understand her situation nor recognise her difficulties, Roumania waits too long, Well, let it be known that if she waits, it is not from hesitation as to her duty, but simply in order that she may discharge it more completely.




THE war has now been going on for eight months; and the ordinary reader of any of the American daily newspapers of the first class is as well informed of the diplomacy that immediately preceded the war, and of all that Germany has done in Belgium, in France, in Poland, and in England, as the ordinary reader of a London newspaper. A well-organised and widely-extended

propaganda on behalf of Germany-a propaganda in which the German and German-American leaders and their numerous lieutenants in the press and on the platform are persistent, resourceful, and often unscrupuloushas been conducted during all this time. The propaganda is still going on. Neither the division of it that is worked through the post office and managed from Berlin, nor the division that is conducted from New York and Washington, shows as yet any signs of flagging. It is impossible for Americans who read newspapers or receive letters and printed matter by post to escape the pro-German propaganda. But in spite of this tremendous and continuous effort on behalf of the Kaiser and his mission, it can be affirmed that 95 per cent. of the American people of English or Scottish origin are with Great Britain and her Allies; and that the only sympathisers with Germany and Austria are Americans of German origin, Irish-Americans belonging to the Ancient Order of Hibernians and kindred Irish associations, and Americans of Anglo-Saxon lineage who have at German universities or elsewhere come under the influence of German Kultur.'

Americans who are with the Allies are not demonstrative in their sympathies. Most of the manifestations of sympathy are in the daily press; for ninety-five out of a hundred of the newspapers printed in English have from the first been outspoken in their condemnation of Germany's action in bringing on the war, and still more outspoken and severe in condemning the invasion of Belgium and the shelling of Hartlepool and other towns on the east coast of England. No great public meetings are held to express sympathy with the Allies as was the case in England in 1861–1865, when the Federal armies were suppressing the rebellion in the southern states. With the exception of Ex-President Roosevelt, no man of prominence in national politics has attempted to assume the rôle that Bright played in England during the civil war of half a century ago. The churches, with only here and there an exception, have been loyal to President Wilson's plea for neutrality. There is, moreover, no widespread perception of the fact that the Allies are fighting for the political civilisation of the United States-defending the principles on which the republic has been based since 1783, just as much as for the political and social civilisations of Great Britain and France. But there was gloom all over the United States when in the early days of the war it seemed probable that the German army might reach Paris ; and, apart from the Teutophil elements mentioned above, joy will be almost universal in the United States when the Allies reach Berlin.


It is easy to understand the disappointment at Berlin over this state of things. There are grounds for the conviction, widely held among Americans, that the pro-German propaganda carried on since August 1914 had been prepared some years in advance; and also for the conviction that Germany intended to secure, no matter at what cost, that American sympathy should be with her when the time arrived when she deemed herself ready to plunge Europe into war. The system of 'exchange professors' is now regarded as part of the pro-German propaganda-as one of the schemes for influencing public opinion in the United States. This system had been in operation for eight or nine years before the war; and it is now obvious that its aim was to use, in the interest of Germany, American professors who were sent to German universities, and also German professors who were sent to the United States. The Kaiser was more than courteous to American professors who went to Berlin under this system. Two of these professors, by their part in the pro-German propaganda of the last eight months, must have fully repaid the Kaiser. But Americans in general now realise that the ostentatious courtesies of Berlin, duly recorded by newspaper correspondents, were not accorded merely because the


American professors were looked upon as representing what is best and highest in American university life; and to-day nobody persuades himself that the sole mission of the German professors who visited the United States was to enable students at the older American universities to come into contact with the flower of German scholarship.

The alliance between the German social organisations in the larger American cities and the local branches of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which has come to light during the war, is not so old as the system of exchange professors. It was, however, in existence some years ago; and, although Germans and Irishmen in the United States almost monopolise the liquor trade, community of interest in this trade alone would not have brought about the present alliance. In recent years, whenever a new steamer of the Hamburg-America line or the North-German Lloyds reached New York on her maiden trip, her arrival was made a public occasion; and at the invitation of the Company thousands of visitors went over her during her stay in port. Americans, who in these days several times a week find their letterboxes loaded with pamphlets and reprints of newspaper and magazine articles of the pro-German type, now perceive that these show-days for new German transAtlantic steamers were not intended solely to advertise the steamship lines; for the arrival of propagandist literature can often be explained only by the fact that the recipient had signed the visitors' book on a German steamer on view in New York. Americans are seldom disposed to look a gift-horse in the mouth. But people to-day are wondering whether the gifts of the Kaiser to American universities were due only to his admiration of these institutions and his love of American learning

When the history of the international aspects of the war-particularly of those aspects that concern the neutral countries-comes to be written, no chapter will be of more interest to the people of England, or contain more surprises for them, than the account of the wooing of the United States by Germany in the decade that preceded the invasion of Belgium, and in the months immediately following the declaration of



The trail of the preliminary propaganda—the years of ground-baiting-will be found to strike through some honoured institutions and to touch some unexpected places; and the second half of the history—the propaganda in war time-will disclose the most remarkable example known to history of mission-work carried on in a neutral country on behalf of a belligerent.

No country but Germany could have carried on a propaganda in the United States so extensive, vigorous, and persistent as that of the last eight months. The only possible comparison would be with the propaganda in the United States in favour of Home Rule for Ireland, which went on from about 1880 to 1912. This was a remarkable campaign. From first to last it resulted in millions of dollars being sent from the United States for the use of the Irish Nationalists; and, next to the Roman Catholic Church, it was the most potent influence for the cohesion in the United States of men and women of the Irish race. But, united as are the Irish, they are not nearly as cohesive as German-Americans, or Germans resident in the United States who have not become American citizens.

There are two and a half million people in the United States who were born in Germany, to say nothing of German-Americans born in the country who have never lived in Germany. People of German birth, at the census of 1910, constituted 18 per cent. of the foreign-born population. The total percentage of British-born, including those born in Canada and Newfoundland as well as in Great Britain and Ireland, was 28 per cent. Of these the Irish formed 10 per cent.; and the remaining 18 per cent. was about equally divided between persons born in British North America and those born in England, Scotland and Wales. Except among the Irisb, and to a small extent among the Scots, there is no cohesion among British-born citizens or residents of the United States. Englishmen and women are as completely lost in the general population as men and women from France; for, like Frenchmen, Englishmen are seldom actively interested in state or federal politics. They never form subdivisions of either the Republican or the Democratic party, as Germans have done for nearly half a century, and as Swedes, Italians and Jews have done

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