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admitted, for instance, that Tourgueniev's 'Memoirs of a Sportsman' largely contributed to the emancipation of the serf in Russia; and Tourgueniev never failed to acknowledge his debt to the social teaching of George Sand, and his warm admiration of her personality.
'I have had the happiness' (he wrote to a friend) of making the personal acquaintance of George Sand. But do not take my words for an empty phrase; he who has been able closely to inspect this distinguished being must really count himself happy. . . . At the time I had already ceased to adore her, but it was impossible to penetrate further into her private life without becoming her adorer again, in another and a Seeing her, anyone felt immediately that he was in the presence of a nature profoundly generous and benevolent, in which all egoism had long since consumed itself in the inextinguishable flame of poetical enthusiasm and her faith in the ideal; of a nature to which every human interest was accessible, dear, and from which there emanated help and sympathy. . . . And beyond all that, as it were, the unconsciousness of a crowning halo about her, something lofty, free, heroic.'
A fiery and generous heart spent in the service of idealism that is the explanation of George Sand. No other is needed. In the lyrical pages of 'Aldo le Rimeur,' she was the youthful poet, sensitive and impressionable, stricken because, in a world of prose, the yearning hope of love and harmony meets with no response save scoffing and denial. But she was not one to 'dream away the entrusted hours, pampering the coward heart with feelings all too delicate for use.' She had pity upon mankind. The pain of the world stung her; she could not away with the misery and crime that abounded. The defect and shame were felt to be solidary; she had no care to conceive her own welfare apart from that of all. Weary of herself, of men, of all things, she had traversed the regions of doubt. But
'one fine day I said to myself, "What does it matter! The world is great and fair. All we believe so important is not worth thinking about. In life there are only two or three true and serious things, and these things, so clear and easy, are precisely those I ignored and scorned. Mea culpa! but I have been punished for my stupidity; I have suffered as
much as one can suffer; pardon may surely be granted me. Let us make our peace with the God of goodness.'
So she wrote in her later days to Dumas fils, consoling him in his hour of gloom. She was ever ready to console, in her letters, as in her novels; not only bending the shows of things to the desires of the mind, but claiming in her copious and limpid eloquence that the world of fact should and could be shaped to the fairer dream. Herself and her performance she held in the slightest esteem. She cared little for what she had written. She never had the leisure, as she sighed for a moment, to please herself, to shape that masterpiece which is lacking, which is diffused the rather through her hundred volumes. I know nothing about anything, except to love and believe in an ideal.' She could be content if it was given her to win over a few contemporaries to share her own ideal of gentleness and descry with her the poetry of common folk and things. Yet it is becoming more and more recognised that she and Balzac, loyal admirers of each other, raised the French novel to its height. The kingdom, indeed, is to the forceful; and literature is measured by intensity. He who is haunted by the vision of evil, and can sound the dread capacities of human nature, will necessarily overshadow his fellow of the hopeful and trusting heart. But George Sand does not lack her force and intensity; it was she, and not Balzac, who stirred the problems of Ibsen and Tolstoy in advance, urging the freedom of woman to be noble, and the social reparation that springs from the sense of fraternity. She was the Eolian lyre of her times, it has been said; the echo of the century in its most generous aspirations. The widest love and faith and hope were her portion. She lived by admiration, and looked to the triumph of the good, the fair, the true. Able to console and inspire, she well may continue to propagate the sense of the divine within us. And it were ungrateful to look narrowly upon her shortcomings.
Art. 3.-FIJI AS A CROWN COLONY.
1. The Broad Stone of Empire. By Sir Charles Bruce. Two vols. London: Macmillan, 1910.
2. Narrative ... of a Voyage in the South Seas. By Captain Peter Dillon. Two vols. London: Hurst, 1829. 3. Voyage da la Corvette l'Astrolabe pendant les Années 1826-9. Five vols. By J. Dumont d'Urville. Paris: Tastu, 1830.
4. Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Seas. By Rev. John Williams. London: Snow, 1837. 5. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition ... 1838-42. Five vols and Atlas. By Commander Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy. Philadelphia: Wiley, 1845. 6. Life in Feejee: by a Lady [Mrs M. D. Wallis]. Boston, U.S.A.: Heath, 1851.
7. Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific. By Admiral J. E. Erskine. London: Murray, 1853.
8. The King and People of Fiji. By Rev. Joseph Waterhouse. London: Wesleyan Conference Office, 1866.
SIR CHARLES BRUCE, in two bulky volumes entitled, 'The Broad Stone of Empire,' has not only poured out to the general reader his personal experiences during the many years in which he was engaged in the administration of various tropical Crown Colonies, but in so doing has placed at the disposal of the student of our colonial system a great mass of material from which a most useful handbook of Crown Colony government might be drawn up. As he says, these colonies are mostly, though not entirely, tropical; and their value to the Empire rests largely on the fact that their tropical products are subsidiary to the products and necessary to the industry of the more temperate portions of the Empire. He lays due stress on the fact that, as all experience shows, labour in tropical regions must be controlled by Europeans, but must, at any rate to a large extent, be done by natives. Consequently, one of the chief duties of the Imperial Government, and more especially of the Colonial Office, is properly to control the relations of white men and natives in the tropical Crown Colonies,
The methods of the Colonial Office in solving these and other problems of colonial government are authoritatively discussed, and the author's judgment is, on the whole, favourable; but he strongly advises steps by which the Colonial Office might obtain more intimate and fresher knowledge of the current affairs of those Colonies which it somewhat laboriously administers. He describes also the evolution of the modern Colonial Governor, and defines the principles on which a Governor should administer his charge. Trusting largely to his own great experience, Sir Charles deals in masterly fashion with the problems of education, in its widest sense, with the transportation of labour from places where it is not needed to places which can only be developed by some such method, with mail services and other means of communication, with defence duly organised from the centre of the Empire, etc.; and he treats all these subjects from the position of one minutely considering the development of the Crown Colonies as a really important and integral part of the Empire.
The questions raised or suggested by this valuable work are so many and various that a lengthy treatise might be devoted to their examination. I propose to attempt the much shorter task of sketching a typical British Crown Colony of the present day, so as to afford some idea of the origin and status of such a colony and of its relation to the Empire as a whole. In illustration of this theme it is intended to utilise chiefly, but not entirely, the history of one particular Crown Colonythat which is growing up in the Pacific Islands now under British influence.
So much has recently been heard of the self-governing Colonies, i.e. the great Dominions,' that the very existence of the smaller and necessarily less self-assertive Crown Colonies seems in danger of being somewhat overlooked. It may therefore be opportune to recall to mind the fact of their existence, to indicate their importance, and briefly to consider their origin and their probable future as more or less self-governing portions of the British Empire. After all, the Dominions themselves are but aggregations of units which were once Crown Colonies, but have been differentiated by the
acquisition of practically complete powers of self-government and almost of independence.
The evolution of all the component parts of the British Empire - whether these are at this moment merely under British influence or are Protectorates, Crown Colonies, or Dominions-has proceeded essentially similar lines, although the diversities of local circumstance have induced differences of detail in their development. The successive stages through which each such area, sooner or later, passes are (1) discovery, which may have taken place in the remote past; (2) sporadic settlement by individuals of European origin; (3) growth and gradual preponderance of British influence; (4) establishment of settled control-almost necessarily at first in the form of Crown Colony government; (5) transition-also gradual and generally slow-from control exercised from England, as in a Crown Colony, to almost complete local responsibility; and finally (6) the assumption of practical autonomy, either by the single Colony or, if geographical and other conditions are favourable, by a federation of several such Colonies.
It seems desirable for the purpose of this article to begin by defining accurately the nature of Crown Colony Government as distinguishable from the earlier and later stages in the growth of our Colonial Empire. The distinguishing mark of a Crown Colony is that not only the Governor but all the officials, at any rate all those of any considerable importance, are appointed-if, indeed, not sent out by the King's Home Government, so that, through the Governor, the ultimate administrative control rests with the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It is true that generally, if not always, in a Crown Colony a limited degree of responsibility in the conduct of local affairs is entrusted to the local residents. This is effected by requiring, for the assistance of the Governor, the services of a few unofficial colonists, either with purely advisory functions or with a limited amount of effective power. But these unofficial persons, at any rate in the earlier stages of the development of the Crown Colony, are nominated by the Governor, the nominations being subject to subsequent confirmation by the Secretary of State; and if, at a later stage, any members are elected by the colonists, such members