which men should prepare; they know not, in their isolation, how numerous are those who fully sympathize with them in the depths of their consciences, and that in the heart of even the most corrupt some hope, some aspiration lies entombed, waiting for the trumpet that shall summon it to freedom. As the time advances, increasing men's disgust at the present, and quickening their hope of the future, the minds even of the untaught become illuminated. Everywhere is inquietude; everywhere a vague expectation of the desired change. Old parties dissolve; old rallying-cries are dead. Not by the old leaders, nor for the old partial objects, can the people be roused again to action. Now indeed, is the time for those who have learned of the new faith to come out into the highways, to preach to eager listeners.

DEVOTION AND DRUNKENNESS IN SCOTLAND.

TAKING the population at 3,000,000, which is considerably above the truth, we have at least a minister and a church for every 1000 men, women, and children, which is just double what was asked as the proper proportion, even by the fervid Dr. Chalmers. Yet, with all this, we are 'the most drunken nation on the face of the earth';with all this, the most drunken and wretched stationary population that even Mr. Chadwick (who has seen the worst and dirtiest of everything in Europe) ever beheld, 'was that which he saw in the wynds of Edinburgh and Glasgow.' The fact and we must not shrink from mentioning it-is, that whether it be that the Clergy have not given this and similar matters their due importance, or whether they have found it easier to rouse and interest the people on other subjects, the clerical influence has not been brought to bear, or, at least, has not borne effectively, on this evil. If you wish to see on what subjects the clerical influence is exercised in Scotland, look at the meetings and petitions of a bold and active minority on such subjects as stopping railway-trains and letterdeliveries; and, still more at the cowardice of the majority, who, angry and contemptuous, never make an open and organized resistance. If you want to see on what subjects that influence is exercised, or ineffectual, look at the statistics of drinking and kindred vices. It is also a most remarkable coincidence (we do not say it is worse), that those districts in which the clergy are most influential are those where this evil most abounds. There is a marked difference in several respects, as is well known, between the east and the west of Scotland. In the east, the people are more given to literature, to music, to amusements; in fact, are more refined, and breathe a much freer intellectual atmosphere. In the west, they are graver, busier, coarser, with less liberty of opinion, and more imperative ecclesiastical control. What city can vie with Glasgow in the matter of religious meetings, and in petitions against people being allowed to transport themselves or their letters on Sundays? What city does not far outshine her as to the every day virtue of sobriety? A distinguished foreigner, writing in the Algemeine Zietung, describes forcibly the wonder with which he was struck with the Sunday aspect of Glasgow:-'A monastery, a tippling-house, a brothel, all in excess, and in the coarsest forms.' But we need not go to Frankfort for evidence, when we have that of Glasgow's own sheriff (Mr. Alison, the historian), delivered at the Edinburgh meeting of the Association for the Suppression of Intemperance. There are,' says he, ‘2000 tippling-shops, in which are consumed 2,400,000 gallons of whisky for a population of 400,000 persons, which gives six gallons, or thirty-six bottles per annum, to every individual in the community, including infants at the breast'-which, he adds, 'is more than is consumed even in the Pandemonium of Sydney and Botany Bay.'-Tait's Magazine, September, 1850.

WHAT THE REPORTERS DO FOR SPEECHES.

Suggested by an Article in The Times.'

HY highest skill, Reporting, cannot reach
The miracles that eloquence imparts to speech:
The soul-expressive features of the face,

The varying gestures, majesty, and grace,
The tuneful-voice, that organ of the will,
Whose magic tones, surpassing music's skill,
Soften'd can charm, impassion'd awe or thrill-
These, that exert o'er men resistless sway,
No pen, or pencil, ever can pourtray.

But let not vanity despise the art

That can to still-born speeches life impart,
Give dullness humor, blundering folly sense,
Cover deformity, and veil gross ignorance.
How oft to weak digression's rambling walk
Hath it set bounds, and to its vapid talk-
From utter nonsense mercifully screening-
Communicated something like a meaning!
How oft the nervous speaker's trembling tongue
Hath it with unaccustom'd vigor strung,
Its pausing hesitation witch'd away,
And told the Public what he meant to say!
How oft-when speakers, innocent of grammar,
Who at a breach of syntax never stammer-
Thrö ill-form'd sentences impetuous rush,
And violate all rules without a blush
How oft, their errors silently suppres'd,
Their vulgarisms banisht, thoughts redres'd,
It doth the creeping style reform and raise,
Till what the hearers laught at, readers praise!

Endow'd, had it the will, with giant pow'r
To crush the reputation of an hour,
How oft it doth a kind forbearance teach,
Hiding the failure of a maiden speech;

To soothe the pangs that else would lower the crest
Of some young Peer, perhaps, and break his rest,
In kind commiseration of his fame

A Cenotaph it raises to his name-

So, pitying some poor wretch's early doom,
With empty praise the Muse inscribes his tomb!

Yet, still indignant that our native tongue

In which fam'd orators have spoken, bards have sung,
Should be degraded in the Senate's halls-
Where British eloquence long shook the walls,
Where Chatham thunder'd his prophetic ban,
And Fox still fulmin'd for the Rights of Man—
It gives to bald harangues the needful graces,
And saves our English uncorrupt in lofty places.

Blest Art! when practis'd by a skilful hand,
How much the world owes thy unnotic'd band:
The eloquence that Liberty inspires

When patriot souls its sacred ardor fires,

Whose burning words consume the despot's bands,
And scatter plenty o'er the fruitful lands-
These they preserve, in loftiest truth sublime,
To flash, like lightning, thrö all coming time,―
To purify the world's polluting gale,
And turn the cheeks of threatening tyrants pale.
Such words have o'er this Isle diffus'd their flame,

And kindled all the glory of thy name,

My Country,-blended with the holier light
That from Religion's altar blazes bright

To melt the intervening clouds away

That stain, with mortal soil, her purer ray

Till Truth and Freedom spread o'er earth their heavenly day!

Rotherham.

J. B.

THE HONEY BEE AND THE FOOL.

BY JANUARY SEARLE.

ONE day, a honey-bee, after wandering many miles over a barren country, chanced to alight in a garden upon an arbor smothered with jessamines, and whilst he was busy in rifling the flowers, buzzing his pretty melody between whiles, he overheard a man complaining of the bitterness and emptiness of life. 'Yesterday,' said the Man, was full of sorrow; and to-day I am tormented with the thought of future evils.' 'Thou fool!' said the angry Bee, 'Yesterday is not; and to-morrow may never come. But the good God has given thee to-day, in which to live, and not to whine. Fill up every moment of the present in labor and well-doing; so shalt thou enjoy the blessings of life, and thy work shall be as honey gathered in summer, which shall sweeten and sustain thee in the winter of thy years.'

THE CREED OF THE PROSCRIBED.

MAZZINI, and his compatriots, the Republican Refugees in London, have lately published, in a journal called Le Proscrit, the subjoined Confession of Faith and demand for the Organization of Democracy,-under the title of an address

TO THE PEOPLES.

HE forces of Democracy are immense. God and his providential law, the aspirations of thinkers, the instincts and the wants of the masses, the crimes and the faults of its adversaries, combat for it. At every instant it gains a new hearth; it rises like the tide. From Paris to Vienna, from Rome to Warsaw, it furrows the European soil, it directs and binds together the thought of nations. Everything comes to its aid: the progressive development of intelligence, insurrectional intuition, battle or martyrdom. Evidently the times are ripe for the practical realization of its principle. That which, sixty years ago, was only the prevision of genius, is to-day a fact, the characteristic, the predominant fact of the epoch. The life of humanity belongs henceforth, whatever may be done, to the faith which says, Liberty, Association, Progress for all, thro all. The reaction well knows this; it no longer denies this holy device, but usurps it to lie to it; it no longer tears the flag, but sullies it; it no longer refutes its apostles, but calumniates them.

What is wanting to Democracy in order to triumph, and by its accession to substitute truth for falsehood, right for arbitrary power, harmony for anarchy, the pacific evolution of the common thought for the sad necessity of violent revolutions? There is only one thing wanting, but that thing is vital: it is called ORGANIZATION.

European Democracy is not constituted. The men of Democracy are everywhere; the general thought of Democracy has nowhere a collective and accepted representation. Democracy bears the word Association written upon its banner, and it is not associated. It announces to Europe a new life; and it has nothing which regularly and efficaciously incarnates this life in itself. It evangelizes the grand formula-God and Humanity—and it has no initiative centre whence the movement sets out towards this end, where lie at least the first-fruit of that alliance of peoples without which humanity is but a name, and which only can conquer the league of kings.

Scattered loppings of the tree whose large branches ought to shadow the whole European name, systems have divided and subdivided the parent-thought of the future; they have parted among them the fragments of the flag; they live an impotent life, each on a word taken from our synthetic formula. We have sects, but no church,—incomplete and contradictory philosophies, but no religion,— -no collective belief rallying the faithful under one single sign, and harmonizing their labors. We are without chiefs, without plan, without order-word-like detached bodies of a great army dissolved by victory. Now, thanks to ourselves, the victory is yet with our enemies. Triumphant at first upon every point, the peoples, turn by turn arisen, fall one by one under the concentration of hostile forces, applauded like the dying gladiator if succumbing bravely, branded if they sink without resistance, but almost always misunderstood, and always rapidly forgotten. They have forgotten Warsaw-they are forgetting Rome.

It is only thrö Organization that this state of things will cease. The day that shall find us all united, marching under the eye of the best among us-those who have fought the most and suffered the most-will be the eve of victory. On that day we shall have counted ourselves we shall know who we are--we shall have the consciousness of our strength. For that, two great obstacles remain to surmount, two great errors to destroy: the exaggeration of the rights of Individuality, the narrow Exclusiveness of Theories.

We are not the Democracy, we are not humanity; we are the precursors of the Democracy, the advance-guard of humanity. Church militant, army destined to conquer the soil on which should be elevated the edifice of the new society-we must not say I, but must learn to say we. It must be understood that rights are only the results of accomplished duties, that the theory is a dead letter whenever we do not practically translate the principle in our every-day acts; that Individuality represents, before all, a mission to fulfil; Liberty, a means of conscientiously harmonizing our efforts with those of our brothers, of taking rank among the combatants without violation of our personal dignity. Those, who, following their individual susceptibilities, refuse the little sacrifice which organization and discipline exact, deny, in virtue of the habitudes of the past, the collective faith they preach. Besides, crushed by the organization of our enemies, they abandon to them that for which they had trafficked, with the cause they had sworn to serve.

Exclusiveness in Theories is the negation of the very dogma we possess. Every man who says, I have found the political truth, and who makes the adoption of his system, his condition of fraternal association, denies the people the sole progressive interpreter of the world's law, in order to assert his own I. Every man who pretends by the isolated labor of his intelligence, however powerful it may be, to discover to-day a definitive solution to the problems which agitate the masses, condemns himself to error by incompleteness, in renouncing one of the eternal sources of truth-the collective intuition of the people in action. The definitive solution is the secret of victory. Placed to-day under the influence of the medium we desire to transform, agitated in spite of ourselves by all the instincts— by all the reactionary feelings of the combat between persecution and the spectacle of egotism given us by a factious society built upon material interest and mutilated in its most noble faculties, we can hardly seize what there is of most holy, most vast, and most energetic, in the aspiration of the Peoples. Drawn from the depth of our cabinets into the teaching of tradition-disinherited of the power which springs from the cry of actuality, from the I, the conscience of humanity,- -our systems cannot be, in great part, other than an anatomizing of corpses, discovering evil, analyzing death, but powerless to perceive or to comprehend life. Life, it is the People under emotion, it is the instinct of multitudes elevated to an exceptional power by the contact, the prophetic feeling of great things to do, by spontaneous, sudden, electrical association in the public place; it is action exciting to the highest all the faculties of hope, devotion, enthusiasm, and love, which slumber now,—and revealing man in the unity of his nature, in the plenitude of his realizing powers. The grasp of a workman's hand in those historic moments which begin an epoch, will perhaps teach us more of the organization of the future, than could be taught to-day by the cold and disheartened work of the intellect, or the knowlege of the illustrious dead of the last two thousand years.

Is this saying that we ought to march forward without a banner? Is it saying that we would inscribe on our banner only a negation? It is not upon us that such a suspicion can light. Men of the people, engaged long since in its struggles,— ,—we do not dream of leading it toward the void. We march to the realization of Equaliy and Association upon this earth. Every revolution not made for all, is to us a lie. Every political change which does not aim at transforming the medium, the clement in which individuals are living radically,