falsifies the educational tendency which alone can render it legitimate. But the point of departure and the point of arrival-the end-once established, ought we to delay our march, to abdicate our conquest, and let our liberties be one by one taken from us, because all of us are not in accord as to the means which might realize our thought? Is it not rather our business to open the Highways of Progress for the Nations, than minutely to assign to them their rations, or to prejudge their details of every building under which they may seek to shelter themselves? And ought we to submit to lose the ground which has cost so much of the blood of our heroes, so many tears of our mothers, because we have not altogether explored that which we have yet to conquer?

We say that this would be at once a crime and a folly. We say that, in the presence of the reaction every where and at every moment fortifying itself beside the sufferings of the Peoples and the insolence of their masters, beneath the weight of shame which attaches to every systematic violation of human nature, the duty of all those who have given their name to the flag of progress in the truth, is to-day to establish the ground conquered by humanity and the general tendencies of the epoch; that we must organize ourselves, choose our chiefs, and march with one common accord to overthrow all obstacles, and to open as rapidly as possible to the great realizer-THE PEOPLE-the way towards the end.

Let each thinker assiduously and conscientiously pursue his researches and his apostolate in favor of the special solution of which he has had a glimpse,-the emancipated Peoples will know how to judge and to choose: but let him not ramble from the camp where all his brethren ought to be assembled; let him not divest himself of his active part in the accomplishment of the common mission; let him not desert the revolution for philosophy, action for solitary thought, Democracy for any democratic system. Man is one; thought and action ought to be indissolubly united in him. At the end of the day, each of us must be able to ask himself without blushing, not What hast thou thought? but What hast thou done to-day, for the holy cause of truth and eternal justice?

Does this common ground exist?

It does exist. Surely we have not struggled for nearly a century, under the banner of progress, foreseen as the vital law of humanity, without having conquered a series of truths sufficient to establish for us all a rallying sign, a baptism of fraternity, a basis of organization!

We all believe in the progressive development of human faculties and forces in the direction of the moral law which has been imposed upon us.

We believe in association as the only regular means which can attain the end.

We believe that the interpretation of the moral law and rule of progress cannot be confided to a caste or to an individual, but ought to be to the people enlightened by national education, directed by those among them whom virtue and genius point out to them as their best.

We believe in the sacredness of both individuality and society, which ought not to be effaced, nor to combat, but to harmonize together for the amelioration of all by all. We believe in Liberty, without which all human responsibility vanishes:

In Equality, without which liberty is only a deception:

In Fraternity, without which liberty and equality would be only means without end: In Association, without which fraternity would be an unrealizable programme :

In Family, City, and Country, as so many progressive spheres in which man ought to successively grow in the knowlege and practise of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Association.

We believe in the holiness of work, in its inviolability, in the property which proceeds from it as its sign and its fruit :

In the duty of society to furnish the element of material work by credit, of intellectual and moral work by education:

In the duty of the individual to make use of it with the utmost concurrence of his faculties for the common amelioration.

We believe to resume-in a social state having God and his law at the summit,—the people, the universality of the citizens, free and equal, at its base,-progress for rule, association as means, devotion for baptism, genius and virtue for lights upon the way.

And that which we believe to be true for a single people, we believe to be true for all. There is but one sun in heaven for the whole earth: there is but one law of truth and justice for all who people it.

Inasmuch as we believe in Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Association for the individuals composing the state, we believe also in the liberty, equality, fraternity, and association of nations. Peoples are the individuals of humanity. Nationality is the sign of their individuality and the guarantee of their liberty: it is sacred. Indicated at once by tradition, by language, by a determined aptitude, by a special mission to fulfil, it ought to harmonize itself with the whole, and assume its proper functions for the amelioration of all, for the progress of Humanity.

We believe that the map and organization of Europe are to be re-made, in accordance with these principles. We believe that a pact, a congress of the representatives of all nationalities, constituted and recognized, having for mission to serry the holy alliance of Peoples and to formalize the common right and duty, are at the end of all our efforts,

We believe, in a word, in a general organization, having God and his law at the summit, Humanity, the universality of nations at its base, common progress for end, alliance for means, the example of those peoples most loving and most devoted, for encouragement on the way.

Is there, among us, a sane man who can contest these principles? Is there, among us, a man so exacting, so exclusive, as to declare that this collection of truths, theoretically conquered, does not afford a base advanced enough, and sufficiently defined, to seat thereon, —with every reserve of independence as to the elaboration of special solutions,— —a common organization, having for its object to work actively for their practical realization, for the emancipation of the People and of the Peoples?

We have not now to say what this organization should be. It suffices to-day for us to establish its urgency and possibility. We are not giving a programme; we make an appeal.

To all men who share our faith:

To all the Peoples who have a nationality to conquer:

To all those who think that every divorce, even for a time, between thought and action, is fatal:

To all those who feel stirring within their hearts, a holy indignation against the display of brute force which is made in Europe, in the service of tyranny and falsehood,

We say come to us! Sacrifice to the one great object your secondary disagreements, and rally yourselves upon the ground we are pointing out to you.

The question is the constitution, the establishment of European democracy; the question is the foundation of the budget, the treasury of the Peoples; the question is the organization of the army of initiators. The emancipated Peoples will do the rest. For ourselves, we are to-day in their name upon the breach. Grasp hands with us, and to the combat!

Close following this Address 'to the Peoples' appears, in the same number of Le Proscrit, an article by LEDRU-ROLLIN,-a sort of commentary specially applied to France, but which is not without significance for others. The following is a close abridgment of it.

VERYTHING becomes an instrument in the hands of Democracy. Vain are all the efforts of the oppressors; the very proscription, whose object was to disperse the defenders of the Peoples, to track them like wild beasts, and rob the Revolution of their powerful direction, has on the contrary brought them together, and enabled the Representatives of different nationalities to become known to each other, and to concert an indissoluble union of the Peoples. There is reason then to say, that everything becomes an instrument in the hands of Democracy, and that the result is grand and pregnant with important consequences.

What political institutions can indeed be stably founded, if they have not around them air and space, if they are not surrounded by similar institutions? What economic reforms can be durable, if there is not a radical change in the economic relations of Europe? Only when Europe shall be democratically constituted will it be possible to definitively settle those grave questions of production, distribution, and exchange, on which the happiness of nations so much depends.

Therefore, we avow it boldly, publicly, fearlessly and without reserve,-To universalize the democratic idea, to concentrate in one collective effort, efforts hereto powerless in their isolation, to oppose to the holy alliance' of the kings the real holy alliance of Peoples-in order to emancipate the world, to collect into one programme the social ideas already accepted, in order not to lose the fruits of our conquest,-this is our work, such is the constant object of our activity.

So occupied, there is neither time nor need to reply to the odious personal slanders recently scattered by those who speak of the Revolution of February as a surprize.

A surprize! The everlasting excuse of the conquered, the gross artifice of human pride, which calls even death a surprize,-death, the only sure thing.

So to judge of revolutions is to assign them but petty causes. Why not rather seek to comprehend them as chapters of the book of humanity ? They have a generation of prophets more ancient, more numerous, than predicted the coming of the Messiah. Was not he himself one of their personifications ?

To learn the sense of the Revolution open history, and see how short, after all, were the moments counted by the monarchy whose dust they are so vainly endeavoring to reanimate. We will speak neither of its royal assassinations, nor of its exterminations of peoples, nor of the fires it has kindled, nor of the torrents of blood that it has shed: we will speak only of its duration. Considering it under each of its modifications, is there anything more fugitive than this eternal monument of the wisdom of man; and with how many crimes and disasters each of its modifications has been accompanied. Hardly arrived at maturity, the feudal monarchy falls to make room for the monarchy of the States, the monarchy of the States for Parliamentary monarchy, that for absolute monarchy, that for constitutional monarchy, which last has already been thrice broken.

Is there not some providence, some law, here?

These monarchies have, in fact, been precipitated by the two immortal principles which are the very conditions of human development:

The perfectibility of man (the individual).

The perfectibility of societies.

Generations of men disappear, but man, the type, remains, enriched with all his forerunners have bequeathed to him, adorned with the gifts of all ages. By the very law of his nature man must crush whatever opposes itself to his indefinite perfection.

It is the same with societies. They pass away, but society incessantly progresses. At first they kill and eat the vanquished; afterwards they are content with reducing him to slavery; later still they exchange him: how many stages are already passed!

In 1792 Saint-Just, in his ideal institutions, taking note of the enmities which separate the Peoples, spoke of their forming one family as a dream only realizable in a future not for us.' And in less than sixty years the Peoples proclaim themselves brethren. It is not thirty years since they rushed upon one another at a sign from their chiefs; and now, not a pang, not a martyrdom, which is not common to all. If this or that People struggles, fights, and falls, it is to preserve this or that right, principle, or liberty, for the general treasure of Humanity.

And it is this universal movement, hereto unknown in history,it is this end of societies, human solidarity,—it is this conspiracy of the time, which has all nations for accomplices, it is this indomitable force multiplied by the weight of ages,—that little speechmakers and journalists have the folly to call the surprize of February!

Since they would restore the age of miracles, let them try to stop the sun, to kill the only thing immortal here below-thought.

They have disfranchised seven millions of electors, seven out of ten; they would crush the press; they would like even to go beyond Louis the fourteenth, who prohibited the introduction of bad books under pain of hanging. After all, they are but trembling imitators and timid scholars.

History gives us the example of a gigantic revolt against the mind, one whose colossal proportions are sufficiently striking. no less than the known world.

--

progress of the human The interdict embraced

The world was then, as now, hanging between the old and the new. called Julian.

The rebel was

He did not apostatize in order to become emperor; he possessed imperial power in all its plenitude; moreover he was a man of vast intelligence, continent, sober, indefatigable,— a redoubtable warrior, a great ruler. He had often conquered. He was seconded by all the rich and powerful, by all that lived upon abuse and privilege. He heard the Christians accused of the very enormities of which they now accuse the Socialists. Well, in endeavoring to sweep back the course of time, he found himself crushed by the generations he would have stayed. They overthrew him, despite his strength. The idea passed over his tomb, to make the circuit of the world, in the same manner as the new idea of our time shall do; and the useless pains he gave himself prove that it is no more possible to resuscitate past ages than to raise the dead.

Brethren! monarchy is as dead now as the gods of paganism were in the time of Julian. In whatever form, then, they would re-establish it-whether royalty or empire; by whatever means they would attempt it, whether thrö a majority or by a coup d'ètat; let us advance with confidence, for we have with us the Peoples, the history, the tradition, the very genius of Humanity.

Such is a brief digest, almost in his own words, of Ledru Rollin's eloquent appeal to France. It seems to me that its burthen should also be laid to heart by us English, by all whose sympathies are with the onward march of democracy. Many earnest voices will, I know, shout forth a true I believe in response to the Manifesto of the Proscribed. But I know, too, that few even of the earnestest, yet understand the faith whose articles are borne upon that manifesto, or can expound its meaning, show the necessary bearing and relation of its several points, and foretell the ends to which they must inevitably lead. And wanting this knowlege, their earnestness, like a blossom that does not set, can have no fruit. What is the use of a worthless sacrifice? what the value of an unarmed soldier? what the importance of an unlearned advocate? Just so much worth is earnestness without knowlege. Let Englishmen bethink them, that they too have duties toward Humanity, a place to occupy in the holy alliance of the Peoples; and let them prepare themselves for it. May the words of Mazzini's creed be the texts for many a sermon in our lecture-rooms, for many a conversation in our workshops, for frequent thought in our homes and in our daily walks. So may we master the understanding of a faith to regulate our lives; so fit ourselves to win our own yet unaccomplished liberties, and to aid effectually the Confederation of the Peoples, for the final extirpation of all tyrannies, for the assured foundation of universal freedom.

W. J. LINTON.

THE PASSIONS.

THE passions are in morals, what motion is in physics; they create, preserve, and animate; and without them, all would be silent in death. Avarice guides men across the deserts of the ocean; pride covers the earth with trophies, mausoleums, and pyramids; love turns men from their savage rudeness; ambition shakes the very foundations of kingdoms. By the love of glory, weak nations swell into magnitude and strength. Whatever there is of terrible, whatever there is of beautiful in human events, all that shakes the soul to and fro, and is remembered while thought and flesh cling together-all these have their origin from the passions. As it is only in storms, and when their coming waters are driven up into the air, that we catch a sight of the depths of the sea, so it is only in the season of perturbation that we have a glimpse of the real internal nature of man. It is then only that the might of these eruptions shaking his frame, dissipates all the feeble coverings of opinion, and rends in pieces that cobweb vail with which fashion hides the feelings of the heart. It is then only that Nature speaks her genuine feelings; and as at the last night of Troy, when Venus illumined the darkness, Eneas saw the Gods themselves at work,—— so may we, when the blaze of passion is flung upon man's nature, mark in him the signs of a celestial origin, and tremble at the invisible agent of God.-Rev. Sydney Smith.