OUR TRICOLOUR. LET our Tricolour be wove, our true English Flag unfurl'd !— Choose for hope the sky serene, freedom Albion's cliffs so white, Blue and white and green shall span England's Flag republican. BLUE above the world to come, that far heaven our strength shall scale: WHITE in the centre-Freedom's home, built on rock, which shall not fail: GREEN below-our rights of Man, ocean-wide, republican. BLUE-the over-arching dome, Faith that stretcheth beyond sight: Equal as the equal march of our duties and our dues, Equal-one above the other, equal-though in different place: Such the hierarchal plan of our life republican. Choose our colours!-Ground of green-our own English fields, and white- BLUE-the far idea of might, harmonized Humanity: Let our Tricolour be wove !-March for equal laws and life: Be our English Flag unfurl'd!-Bear it, thou most liberal Air! Heirs of Cromwell and of Him who saw God through eyelids dim! Equal place whereon to build,-freëst growth for every need,→→ In one onward life of Man, organized, republican. Lo! our Tricolour is wove, England's Banner is unfurl'd: SPARTACUS. JOSEPH MAZZINI. THE TRIUMVIR OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. 'In exile because I loved justice and hated iniquity.' Words of Gregory VII. quoted by Mazzini in his Letter to Pius IX. OSEPH MAZZINI was born in 1805, at Genoa, where his father was a physician of considerable repute. At an early age he commenced the study of the law; but his ardent patriotism soon led him to forsake everything for politics, to devote himself to the emancipation and regeneration of Italy. Even in his youthful days at the university his deep musing during his walks had drawn upon him the suspicious attention of the Sardinian Government, and he was already 'marked' before his career had begun. The following extract from his own account of his friend and fellow student, Ruffini (who died in a Piedmontese prison in 1833) will give the best idea of those early times. a 'Jacobo Ruffini was my friend-my first and best. From our first years at the univer sity, to the year 1830, when a prison, and then exile, separated me from him, we lived as brothers; our two families forming but one; our two souls freely interpenetrating each other. He was studying medicine, I law, but botanical rambles at first, then the common ground of literature, and, above all, the sympathetic instincts of the heart, drew us From the Italian Martyrs, 2, Jacobo Ruffini,' in No. 21 of the People's Journal, April, 1846. together little by little, until an intimacy succeeded, whose like I have never found, and, never shall find again. 'In 1827 and '28 his attention was forcibly attracted by the literary question. It was the time of the great quarrel between those who were called the romantic and the classic; but who should rather have been called the supporters of liberty and authority. The one party maintained that, the human mind being progressive, every epoch ought to find its different literary manifestation; and that we should seek the precepts and inspirations of Art in the entrails of the living and actual nation. The others pretended that we had in Art long ago reached the Pillars of Hercules; that the Greeks and Romans had furnished models which we should be content to copy, and that all innovation, whether in form or spirit, was impotent and dangerous. The unity of the human mind-which renders us unable to conquer a principle without secking to apply it to our every mode of action,— this and the situation of Italy naturally drew those who studied the question on to political ground; and Governments, by their fears, precipitated them upon it. The young men who made their first campaign in favour of romanticism became suspected; journals purely literary, were suppressed, solely because they maintained independence in Art. To this brutal negation imposed by force, we replied by removing the question to the national ground, and by preparing to try, hand to hand, the principle of blind and immovable authority. Jacobo Ruffini was one of the first to climb to the source. In 1829, a year before the French insurrection, he had given his name to the men who followed, between exile and the scaffold, the holy route which leads to the national organization of Italy. 'In 1830, when the movement in France awakened the alarms of the Italian Governments, that of Piedmont was the first which proceeded to arrests. I was then thrown into the fortress of Savona ......' (in the Gulf of Genoa). The cause of Mazzini's imprisonment was his having started a literary and political journal, whose spirit displeased the Government. He was in prison when the news of the Polish revolution reached Italy. No friends were allowed to see him; but his Mother was permitted to send him his meals. Anxious to communicate the good tidings to him, she hid in a loaf of bread a slip of paper on which were these two Latin words-'Polonia insurrexit' (Poland has arisen). When, some months afterwards, the noble Mother visited her Son in his prison, his first question was—'Well! is all over in Poland ?' On his release he took refuge in France; and in 1831, at Marseilles, founded the national association of La Giovine Italia' (Young Italy), starting at the same time as its organ, under the same title, a monthly journal devoted to the political, moral, and literary conditions of Italy,-in a word to Italian regcneration. It was from here, that towards the end of 1831, he addressed to Charles b The first members of Young Italy were men who had been mostly Carbonari, and whose hopes of good from the accession of Charles Albert were dispelled by his conduct. Young Italy' was an educational movement; 'not merely revolutionary but regenerative.' Their flag displayed in Savoy, in 1834, bears, on Italian colours (white, red, and green), on one side Liberty-Equality-Humanity; on the other Unity-Independence-GOD AND HUMANITY: this was its principle in all its foreign relations, as GOD and the PEOPLE was in all its labours for its country. From this double principle it deduced all its religious, social, political and individual creeds. It was secret so far only as was necessary for its interior operations: its existence and purpose were public. It had a central committee abroad to keep up its standard, to form connections with other countries and to direct the enterprize; and committees in Italy to direct the various movements. It had Albert of Sardinia, his famous Letter bearing the motto 'Se no, no!' (If not, not!), urging the new monarch to adopt a different course from that of his predecessors, and concluding thus-Posterity will proclaim you either the first among men, or the last of Italy's tyrants. Choose !' During 1832 and the greater part of '33 Mazzini remained at Marseilles, as head of the new Italian party, actively propagating his principles and organizing his followers. The progress of the association was rapid. Its doctrines were soon spread throughout Italy. This, says Mazzini, d e 'Was effected by means of a considerable pecuniary outlay, and through the devotion of a valuable class of men, for the most part eminently Italian-the merchant-sailors. These men were worked upon, and accepted their mission with enthusiasm. By actively organizing relations at every point where communication is most frequent with the peninsula, regular transmissions were effected; the packets were confided to heroic youths, who braved every risk to carry them to their destination, they were finally distributed throughout the country; and in spite of “espionnage," severe penalties, and a thousand acts of imprudence, their circulation was immense, and their effect also. Organization commenced at every point. In the twinkling of an eye the chain of communication was formed from one extremity to the other of the peninsula. Everywhere the principles of La Giovine Italia were preached; everywhere its standard was recognized and hailed. Its members continued to increase; its emissaries were continually meeting each other, crossing from province to province. Every day the demand for its publications became louder; presses were set up in some parts of the interior, where small publications, dictated by local circumstances, or reprints of what was sent from Marseilles, were thrown off. Fear was unknown. There was no doubt of success. All this was the result of principles; and all effected by some young men without great means, without the influence of rank, without material force.' Of this work Mazzini was the soul. To get rid of him, no matter by what means, became now the object of the Italian despots and their worthy ally, the Citizen King. 'Persecutions commenced; and ... on the part of France. They were directed, under vulgar pretexts, against the nucleus of the association at Marseilles. Engagements were entered into with the Italian governments, to destroy the Journal; but the French had a hard-necked race to deal with. They commenced by chicanery, but were baffled; they arbitrarily expelled the director; the director concealed himself; by shutting himself up he escaped the police, and pursued his labours.' f the formula of an oath or declaration of political belief; a method of recognition, especially for the envoys of the association; a branch of cypress for a symbol, in memory of the martyrs, and as an image of constancy; and the words 'Now and ever' (ora e sempre) for device. Mazzini's Letters on the State and Prospects of Italy in the Monthly Chronicle of 1839. Reprinted in Paris in 1847. с d Letters on the State and Prospects of Italy. • Charles Albert punished with imprisonment and with the galleys the introduction, possession, or perusal of these works. Two years' imprisonment and a fine was the punishment for not denouncing the possessor.-Letters on Italy. Letters on Italy. For many months Mazzini thus evaded the order to quit France, spite of the most vigorous measures of the police. At length he left, and took up his abode at Geneva; continuing the publication of his paper. In 1834, as head of La Giovine Italia, he planned the expedition into Savoy, which took place in the beginning of February, and failed in consequence of the treachery of Ramorino, whom the Savoy patriots had chosen as their general. In this expedition Mazzini enrolled himself as a private soldier. For his part in this affair he was sentenced to death by Charles Albert. h Immediately upon the failure of this attempt, he founded the association of 'Young Europe,' to form the nucleus of a brotherly alliance of the Peoples, to counteract the Holy Alliance' of Despotisms. In the same year he published i As a sample of these measures, and specimen of governmental morality, take the following. On the 31st of May, 1833, two spies of the Duke of Modena (Lazzareschi and Emiliani) were stabbed in a quarrel, in open day, at Rhodez, in the South of France, by an Italian exile named Gavioli. Advantage was immediately taken of the deed, to connect it with Mazzini; and the next week (June 8th) appeared in the non-official part of the 'Moniteur a forged antedated document, purporting to be the decree of a secret meeting of 'Young Italy' sentencing Emiliani and others to death, and Lazzareschi to whipping, and signed Mazzini, President-La Cecilia, Secretary. The object was to draw Mazzini from his concealment. It only drew from him a denunciation of the forgery, through the columns of the Gazette des Tribunaux.' The bad French and wretched style of the composition proved it not to be his. Of course it was not produced at Gavioli's trial, which took place at the assizes of Aveyron on the 30th of November, when a verdict of ‘homicide sans préméditation '-unpremeditated homicide-was returned. (Gazette des Tribunaux, December, 8th, 1843). True, however, to the villainous principle which always actuates the party of Order'-'Calumniate! calumniate! something will be sure to stick,' the jesuit press reproduced the slander in 1836, when the Swiss Diet wished to expel Mazzini. It was again refuted. And again revived by Gisquet, the French ex-Prefect of Police, in his memoirs. Against him Mazzini brought an action in the French Courts. An impudent evasion obtained a verdict for the defendant. He pleaded that there was more than one Mazzini in the world; and that as the prosecutor was, as all admitted, a man of the highest moral character, he could not be the Mazzini referred to in the 'Moniteur.' And this thrice-exploded calumny was raked up yet again by the English Government, in 1844, when Mazzini was instrumental in exposing the post-office rascality through which the noble brothers Bandiera met their death. We might add-through the treachery of Louis Philippe as well as that of Ramorino. The same Ramorino was one of Charles Albert's generals in the campaign of 1849; played again the same game, they said 'against the King, and was shot by him for it: either as a punishment or a provision. i The following was the 'Act of Fraternity of the Association. YOUNG EUROPE. We the undersigned, men of progress and liberty, believing in the equality and brotherhood of men and the equality and brotherhood of nations: believing also, That the human race is destined to advance in a course of continual progress, under the empire of the universal moral law, in the free and harmonious development of its faculties, and the accomplishment of its mission in the universe; That this can only be effected by the active concurrence of all its members freely associated; That free associations can only exist among Equals, since all inequality implies a violation of independence, and every violation of independence impairs the freedom of concert; That Liberty, Equality, and Humanity are equally sacred,that they are the three neces |