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passport, confided himself to the captain of an Italian merchant vessel, (he had been offered protection by an English naval officer, true-hearted enough, despite the service, to sympathize with the Republican), and so reached Marseilles ; escaped the vigilance of the French authorities, and passed to Lausanne, where his noble young friend and fellow Triumvir-Saffi, and others of the exiles, joined him. Here he immediately commenced the monthly publication of his · Italia del Popolo' (Italy of the People) which continues to now. He had published a daily paper under the same title at Milan, during the last days of the Lombard movement. Here too, in Switzerland, he wrote his crushing 'Letter to M.M. de Tocqueville and de Falloux, Ministers of France ;' and also the letter to M. de Montalembert' (the ex-peer and jesuit): convicting these men and their employers of the most dastardly lies against Rome, and vindicating himself and his party from the accusations of the Moderates.' While in Lausanne, an endeavour was made by some emissaries of the present King of Sardinia to obtain possession of his person.

It failed through the trustworthiness of the Italian exiles whom they had hoped to seduce.

In 1850, he gave to the world a pamphlet entitled “Le Pape au dix-neuvième Siècle (The Pope in the Nineteenth Century); and 'République et Royauté en Italie' (Republicanism and Royalty in Italy): the first written in French, the last in Italian.' The first work, resuming the history of the Papacy, shows the necessity of religious reform, and that the initiative lies with Italy; explains the intention of the formula-God and the People; and declares the need of the Constituent Assembly and the Council to replace the Prince and the Pope of past time.

National Sovereignty is the remedy uuiversally accepted to save society from the absence of all authority, from anarchy. The Sovereignty of the Churchand by Church we mean the people of believers—ought to save society from the absence of all principle, of all religious authority.'

The other work is a most eloquent and lucid history, supported by extracts from the diplomatic correspondence published by our House of Commons, of the events in Lombardy, from the first outbreak at Milan to the capitulation.

During last year be passed some months in England; and at that time aided his Polish and French friends in the formation of the Central European Democratic Committee,--preparatory to the renewal of the war with Moparchy. His thoughts and style may be easily traced in the manifestos of the Committee.

His latest public act was the putting forth a requisition for an Italian Loan of £400,000, for the next Italian Campaign.

His hope and courage are unshaken. He comes out of the fire with indeed martyr-scars upon his life, and crowned with the premature grey-hair of sorrow; he has suffered iinmensely: but he will live to behold the freedom of his Italy, to be the ruler of the Italian Republic.


* Translated into French by Madame Sand. Since into English in the numbers of the 'Red Republican,'

?-now the Friend of the People, published by S. Y. Collins, 113, Fleet Street, London. A complete edition in one volume has also been published by C. Gilpin, 5, Bishopsgate Street Without, London.

In the enumeration of Mazzini's works in this article, there is no attempt at a complete catalogue. All that can be done here is to give a broad idea of the character and extent of his labours. We have neither means uor room at the present time to do more.


He humanitarian idea-the idea of the organization of men in nations and

of nations in the brotherhood of Humanity—-owns as its chief Apostle

Joseph Mazzini. Not that the thought originated with him; but that he formulized it so practicably that it could be adopted as a political dogma, a creed for immediate realization. Others, indeed, have prophesied of Humanity, but he first preached its Gospel. The first actual step toward the Holy Alliance of the Peoples, as brothers under God, was made by Mazzini in 1834, when he founded, at Berne, in Switzerland, the Association of ‘Young EUROPE.' Into the causes which induced the failure of this attempt we need not enter now. 1848, the year of revolutions, found the insurgent peoples without organization or mutual understanding; and the defeat of the armies of Liberty, one by one, was the necessary consequence of their disunion. In the beginning of last year the ‘Polish Democratic Centralization’ saw an opportunity for renewing the old endeavour; and, in conjunction with the French and Italian Exiles, founded the ‘CENTRAL EUROPEAN DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE.'

The Committee consists of four members, with power to add to their number as they receive adhesions : Mazzini, as acknowledged chief of the Italian national party,-Lédru Rollin, as head of the French Republicans,-Albert Darasz, the delegate of the Polish Democratic Centralization, “ and Arnold Ruge, representative of Republican Germany.

Their first public act was to issue an Address to the Peoples (dated from London, July 22nd, 1850), on the Organization of Democracy, --concisely stating the broad principles upon which their union is based, the common ground upon which, in the name of Republican Europe, they summon the Peoples to assemble, to renew the combat with Monarchy. Since then they have issued the following: “To the Peoples,' To the Germans,' To the Armies of the Holy Alliance of Kings,' an appeal to the Democracy of Europe with regard to the Loan to be raised for Italy, and an address to those National Committees which have signified their adhesion to the principles of the central body. We give these documents at full length. They are the first state-papers of the Federation of European Republics.





a The name by which is known the executive and directing Central Committee of the Polish Democratic Society, which is nothing but the Polish Democratic party openly organized among the Emigrants, of whom it comprizes a majority, but extending in large ramifications over the country, through its emissaries and publications.

b M. Ruge was the friend and coadjutor of Simon of Trèves, of Robert Blum, and others of the Extreme Lest in the Frankfort Parliament; that is to say of the really republican party in Germany. He was also among those who attempted to rally the republicaņ remains of that Parliament, at Stuttgardt.

Given at page 6 of E. R.


TO THE PEOPLES. WE have summoned European Democracy to manifest its existence, that is to say, to organize itself. We have indicated the common ground on which organization is possible; our thought has been understood. Let the men of good will, who from all parts of Europe have hastened to give their adhesion to the work of concentration which we have undertaken, accept here our thanks.

As for those who, penetrated by the same idea, ask us by what means they may realize it, this we will endeavour to tell them, having regard to the diverse conditions of liberty in which different countries are placed.

Let us again specify the object :

Just as in the heart of every state the question is to represent, while harmonizing them, both individuality and association, or, in other terms, liberty and authority, so the question for every general democratic organization is to represent, in harmonizing them, pationality and alliance, Country and Humanity. Without the conciliation of these two elements there can be only despotism and anarchy: we would have neither the one nor the other,

Terrified at the international struggles which mark with blood, at every step, the history of Humanity, --confounding the varrow nationalism of royal races with the nationality of free and equal Peoples, there were, in the last century, men who sought to efface the national idea under some sort of vague cosmopolitanism. So they placed the individual feeble and isolated in front of the humanitarian problem, and proclaimed the end while suppressing every means of obtaining it. It was an exaggerated, but inevitable, reaction against a system which falsified the parent-idea of nationality by substituting for it the hostile interests of certain princely families.

The parent-idea of nationality is the organization of Humanity by means of homogenous groups, looking toward the accomplishment of a common duty. Progress of all, development for good of all the forces imparted to the human race.

A workman in the vast workshop of the world, each people represents, by the aptitudes and tendencies which are peculiar to it, a special function in the work, --whose end is identical, whose means are various. It is acknowledged by other peoples, it is loved by them, according to the measure of what it accomplishes for the advantage of all. It is toward Humanity, what the distribution of labour is in production.

The definition of the common duty belongs to all; it is the charter of Humanity; and a day will come in which it shall be elaborated at a congress composed of all the representatives of free peoples. Freedom of choice as to means belongs to each people. This is the charter of nations, and can only be indicated by them. Under the inspiration of the general thought, each will determine for itself the special mission reserved for it in the world.

These are the foundations upon which the organization of Democracy should be based.

Every organization whose object is the conquest of the future ought to represent that future in its essential conditions.

It is necessary then, in order that the organization may be complete, that in the heart of every nation, upon the common ground which we have pointed out, and while at the same time pursuing the study of special questions—-economic or social, there should be undertaken a work of bringing together, of fusing the fractions of the democratic party. from this inner labour should proceed a National Committee, the veritable and regular expression of the wants, the wishes, and the general tendercies of the country.

It is then that the delegates of the National Committees will constitute the CENTRAL COMMITTEE of the Democracy of Europe.

It must be well understood that the men who at present form this Committee, the men who sign these collective appeals, consider themselves only as precursors. If they have agreed to take the initiative, it is because it was necessary that some one should commence the work, and because no one was doing it. They will continue it, till the organized national democracies shall be in a position to make known their sovereign will.

To give the same impulse to the great European organization, to found the - apostolate of those ideas which should bring together the members of the human family,-- to determine the guarantees to be taken in order that no revolution, by isolating itself, may betray or desert the standard of fraternity, in order that no revolution, through fatal ambitions, may violate the rights of the inner life belonging to every people, in order that no revolution may perish, through abandonment, under the concentration of leagued aristocracies, such are the duties of the present Committee. To it also belongs to prepare mon’s minds for international brotherhood, until the emancipated nations shall sign their definitive compact.

To it, lastly, to give the signal for the general rising.

The duty of the National Committees will be to elaborate the preparatory measures which may facilitate the internal development of each nation.

Whenever circumstances shall require, the Central Committee will call forth a striking manifestation from the most intelligent and devoted of the men of Democracy.

To form these National Committees two ways are open: in the first the initiative starts from above to embrace the masses, in the second it arises from below to create unity by electing its chiefs. Both ways are good: the choice should depend upon the particular circumstances in which each country finds itself.

Among peoples where organization is already advanced, where the absence of irritating questions and the distinct assertion of a national object render adhesion easy to be foreseen, the first is the most expeditious. Let some known and devoted men personify in themselves the mission of the country; let them boldly make themselves its interpreters. With their hands upon their consciences, and their hearts free from all egotism and personal vanity, let them stand forth as organizers. They will be followed. When authority reveals itself in truth, in sacrifice and resolution, it is acknowledged and obeyed.

Among those, on the contrary, where, the elements being more divided because of the multitude or the rivalry of schools, unification cannot be obtained with sufficient rapidity, let the movement commence from below; let it commence upon every poiut, whatever it may be, where may be found a germ of devotedness and energy; wherever men desirous of good and holding faith in the future of the cause, as well as in themselves, shall meet together, let this organization have birth. Let them understand each other, let them rally together, let them little by little propagate the gospel of discipline and organization; :let regular relations be established between these fraternal groups. Let them recollect the three herdsmen of Switzerland, the twelve apostles of Christ, and let them work as if the whole cause of the people depended on them.

Everything attests that at the present hour there is an immense want of unification in the heart of the democratic masses; the people will draw after it its heads, the army will choose its chiefs.

And let this work of unity be done in public, in the broad light of day, with the calm and resolute courage of faith, in those parts of Europe where, as in France, the legal methods of expression are not all exhausted; let it be done in secret, in countries where silence is the common law: the catacombs or the forum,-every place is good in which to work for the triumph of justice.

The inspiration, the counsel, the brotherly word of the Central Committee will never fail those groups of the church militant .who are willing to accept its initiative.

To establish everywhere, unremittingly, close and indissoluble ties between the men of the future, this is what must be done.

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Brethren! think of those who suffer, of the peoples who die under the knife; recollect that every day of torpor permits the aristocrats to print a new stain on the noble flag of che Revolution. Let then all distrust, all coldness, disappear before the grand idea of the common duty. So under our united efforts will vanish the accusation of anarchy fung at us from the enemies' camp. They have only interests, but we, we have principles : interests divide, principles alone rally men together. We then are the party of unity.

In three months Europe must know this. On that day we shall have conquered.
London, October 20th, 1850.

For the Central European Democratic Committee.

The two next addresses were called forth by the late events in Hesse, and the recent congress of the Allied Despots.

TO THE GERMANS. Germans !-- You have proved, by your insurrection of 1848, that your souls could be fired by the great principles of liberty which have illumined the world. You have proved it by the blood of your martyrs shed among all Peoples; and since then the heart of Germany has never ceased to beat with the same pulsations as that of Poland, of Hungary, of Italy, and of France.

You were defeated then because you did not suficiently understand that the fall of your numerous despots could alone bring forth national unity, that a Democracy one and indivisible could alone give you liberty and independence, that the German nation could not obtain existence at the cost of other nations, that it could not be legʻtimately constituted except by the European union of other peoples, all equally independent and free.

The lesson is, without doubt, cruel: for these despots, whom you have left on their thrones, have sold you to Russia.

Yes, your divisions, the destruction of your liberty, the ruin of your independence, all that oppresses and revolts you, you owe to these despots become the vassals of the Czar.

What are the little armies of your princes but so many divisions of the great Russian army which prepares to invade you? What are these Austrians, these Bararians, these Prussians who concentrate their forces, but so many Russians in different uniforms and under different flags? Is it not from St. Petersburg that the word of command goes forth ?


f you were pot ready to attempt a supreme effort, it might be said that Russia has conquered Germany, and that Europe is Cossack, from the Volga to the Rhine, from the Danube to the shores of the Baltic.

Do not indeed deceive yourselves: this question of Schleswig in which so much generous blood has been lavished—this question of Hesse, where has been offered the memorable example of an army sacrificing itself for right,-all this is of serious and vital interest to the Peoples; but for the leagued aristocracies it is nothing but a bloody game, a mere pretext by which to mask other objects, and to authorize them to convoke the van and rcar guard of their janissaries the better to overwhelm you.

Behold this King of Prussia, who rises despite himself, at the cry of a whole People, as if to defend the honour of a nation and the remains of a miserable constitutionalism ! know you what he meditates ? To negotiate, to secure himself a retreat, to appear to yield, under the menace of numbers, to irresistible forces of Austria, Bavaria, and Russia.

And if, drawn into the current, he is forced to march, do you know whither it will be ? To a defeat prepared and preconcerted. Before long you will hear the cry of treason. In William of Prussia, Charles Albert of Savoy will be revived. What he seeks is not a

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