same author, 8vo. Paris, 1543, (both in Latin.") These two works, directed against Aristotle, made the greatest noise at the time they appeared: they caused a kind of sedition in the university of Paris; the quarrel became embittered, and was carried not only before the Parliament, but even before Francis I. Commissioners were named, some to defend the Grecian philosopher, and others to judge between Ramus and him. After very long and keen debates, Ramus was worsted, and the commissioners pronounced sentence against his works and himself, which was confirmed by a decree of parliament the 30th May 1543. This decree sentenced the Animadversions and Institutes to be suppressed, as full of falsehood, of slander, and of buffoonery. Such are the expressions of the arbitral sentence, which received the sanction of the king: he proscribed the two works of Ramus, and prohibited him from teaching philosophy. It was declared that, rashly and insolently, he had risen against the logic of Aristotle; that he had shewn in the dispute much ignorance and insincerity, &c. Ramus, condemned by the court, was at the same time houted by the public, and ridiculed on the theatre: he endured all without a murmur. This is not the first check which Aristotle's philosophy met with even in 1209 his metaphysical books had been burnt at Paris, and there had been a prohibition against reading or holding them, under pain of excommunication, because they gave occasion to new heresies. Ramus, having embraced Calvinism, broke the images of the College of Presle, where he taught, saying that he had no need of deaf and dumb auditors. He was involved in the massacre of St Barthelemi, in 1572. He was at the College of Preslé; in his first alarm he went to conceal himself in a cave, where he remained two days. Charpentier, one of his enemies, discovered and drew him out of it.

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Ramus begged for his life. Charpentier agreed to sell it to him and after having received all his money, delivered him to the assassins who were in his pay; he was slain, and thrown out of the window. This celebrated professor never had any bed but straw, nor drank wine till ordered by the physicians in his old age. He spent his life in the most austere celibacy, distributing his income to such of his scholars as were in want.

"Medical Dissertation on Air and "Food. By Joan. Fr. Rauch. Vienna. "1622, 4to, 36 pages. On Drink, by "the same. 1624."-These little treatises have been suppressed with such care, that scarcely a copy is now to be found. Their singularity consists in this, that in treating of the effects of wine and chocolate, he pretends that their use should be prohibited to monks. Thus, he says, many scandals would be prevented. This advice was so little relished by those to whom it was addressed, that they have suppressed the copies as carefully as possible.

PROCLAMATION by JAMES VI.

(From Copy in possession of a Gentleman of Edinburgh.)

RIGHT trustie and light weelbe

loved Cousengills and Counsellors, we greet you weel: Whereas we understand, that the deadly feid betwixt VEITCHES and TWEEDIES is as yet unreconciled, and our peace keept betwixt them only by the means of renewing of assurances from time to time: but since we came so far by great pains in our person, endureing our stay there, and by our continual direction sensyne, suppressed that monster within that kingdom, so as wee do hardly think that there be any one feid except this in all that kingdome unreconciled; and the wrongs and mischiefs done by either of them, as we understand, to others, being in

such

as neither party can either boast of advantage, or otherways think himself too much behind. Therefore, our pleasure and will is, That you call before you the principalls of either surname, and then take such course for removing of the feid and reconcileing, as you have been accustomed to do in the like cases: and whosoever shall disobey your command and direction, you shall commit them prisoners, and certifie us thereof, to the effect we may return unto you our further pleasure and will therein; and so we bid you faireweel: From our Court at Greenwich, the tenth of March 1611.

To Our Right Frustie and right weelbeloved Cousins and Coun sellors, the Earl of Dumfermline, Lord Chancellor,

Lords, and others of our Privy Councill, in our kingdom of Scotland.

STRICTURES on COMBINATIONS.

THE

HE relation which subsists betwixt master and servant is of the most intimate kind, and, like all other relations which originate in mutual dependence, it is maintained and promoted by a reciprocity of good offices. On a first aspect, it may seem, that their interests are opposite; that the aggrandizement of the one party necessarily accomplishes the depression of the other but on a more enlarged view of the subject, it will be seen, that this apparent collison is compatible with an identity of interests; and that this seeming hostility of views is nothing more than the operation of that salutary principle by which their jarring claims are adjusted, and by which the one is hindered from materially encroaching on the rights of the other.

Of all the arrangements of modern society, that by which a determinate share in the supply of the community

class of individuals, is most entitled to the praise and respect of mankind.By it, men are linked in the closest bonds of union; and by it, a new force is given to the calls of humanity.— Add to these the concentration of the mind, on a particular object, affords a more certain and speedy knowledge of that object in all its relations; and the prospect thus circumscribed, and that dissipation of thought avoided, which variety always creates ; a more secure path of discovery is held out, and new advances are daily made in the perfection of art Now, it is evident that this economy of labour, so highly beneficial to society, originates in the necessities of those who compose it, and in a conviction that the insulated labour of a single individual is insufficient for the supply of wants, so varied in their nature, and requiring such opposite kinds of dexterity. It is evident also, that the most rude form in which this beautiful order could be recognized, would be the division of mankind into two great classes, the master and the servant: the one was willing to resign a part of his uncontrouled liberty, in order to secure the remainder, and attain the means of subsistence; while the other accounted his services sufficient to entitle him to his protection and security. It cannot be affirmed that this compromise could arise from a sanguine anticipation of advantages which might eventually flow from the union, or from any consideration of that beautiful fabric which the improving ingenuity of mankind might gradually rear. The immediate cause of their coalescence, was a quick felt sense of interest; and the same energetic principle still continues to bring round all those conjunctions and subsequent divisions on which the happiness and prosperity of mankind depend.

It is evident, therefore, that this coalition is the result of a balance of interest; and from their union, we are

na

naturally led to this conclusion, that the situation of each party is bettered. But though it may be evident that this union originates in the wants of the parties, and is promoted by the enjoyment of reciprocal advantages; it is equally obvious, that the benefits thus mutually dispensed, exactly neutralize each other, and leave nothing to be claimed on either side on the score of gratitude. The competition which, at the first, assorted the emoluments of both parties, and allotted to each their respective share, still continues, in every subsequent change, to mete out, with an impartial hand, every new increase of wealth, which a fortunate hazard in speculation, or a favourable concurrence of circumstances, may bring round. Indeed, their interests are so completely identified, they are so mutually dependent, that no change can effect the one without being speedily communicated to the other. Under certain circumstances, it is true, the advantages accruing from this concentration of labour may be diverted, in too great a proportion, to one of the classes; and a period may be fixed on in the history of every country, when it may, with some plausibility, be affirmed, that the price allowed for the labour of the servant was not proportionable to the profits his employer reaped from his service. It is impossible, however, that this state of things can long remain. In the feudal system, (which was but a slight remove from tyranny,) the aristocracy held their vassals bound to perform every species of drudgery, without allowing them more than bare subsistence and security. This, however, is sufficiently accounted for by the peculiar state of society, and can by no means happen when men are left to dispose of themselves as their interests or inclinations may lead them. Interest clashing with interest, and one claim reducing another, finally begets an equation. But perhaps the disadvantages of this extreme case are

more seeming than real. When we consider that, as yet, there were no laws to restrain the violence of the oppressor, and that the necessaries of life were precarious and scanty, we may, perhaps, be led to put a higher value on that protection which secured these inestimable blessings, and may reasonably suspect, that it was cheaply enough purchased by all that the confined industry and talents of

these times could effect.

In all free states, the exact propor tion of emolument to which each par ty is entitled is meted out in so just and equable a manner, that there is no need of coercive measures on either side to attain a due share of the profit; and the appeals which have been occasionally made to force, to settle their contending pretensions, leave it beyond a doubt, that such violent proceedings are detrimental to both, while they are beneficial to neither. When the profits of the employer are enhanced by any favourable change of circumstances, the advance will speedily be communicated to the subordinate workmen. A favourable return for capital is necessarily connected with an enlarged demand for the commodity in which it is invested; and this large demand draws into its service a new supply of money, and gives new grounds for competition among capitalists: every trader, anxious to gain by this increased consumption for his article, engages as many workmen as his circumstances will allow; and, for their encouragement, holds out an advance of wages. This advance is, no doubt, the smallest possible, but such as it is, it has the effect of alluring hands from the employ of his fellow-manufacturers ; who, in order to recover or replace them, must make a second advance. The competition thus begun, is carried through a rapid succession of ad vances, till the price of labour has reached that degree at which the profits of stock had so lately arrived. It

is not, however, meant that the whole of this rise is made over to the servant. The principle by which their rights were at first determined still continues to operate in every change, and metes out the increase in the same ratio in which their mutual gains had borne to each other. On the other hand, when the profits in any particular line of commercial adventure are lowered by untoward circumstances, to the smallest rate at which it is possible to trade, this reduction will speedily be felt through the complicated body, from the highest to the lowest, engaged in the manufacture or circulation of the commodity. The competition will now be among the workmen. The redundant capital will be withdrawn; and all those who were supported by its returns will consequently be thrown off. Thus destitute, their exertions will be tendered to employers at a reduced rate, and will thus accomplish a diminution in the wages paid to all labourers of the same class.

Those who have combined in order to effect such alterations in the natural order of society, as might promote their own views, have acted in direct contradiction to those maxims which we have been endeavouring to lay down; and though their interests are apparently furthered, yet, on extending our views beyond the immediate consequences of such combinations, we will immediately find, that they involve results diametrically opposite; that the advantage gained is merely temporary, while it paves the way for another change, by which the natural emoluments are as much pressed below their just level, as they were for cibly raised above it.

When such combinations take place among servants, their employers, enTaged at the unreasonable demand, do not readily assent to its gratification. In the interval, much time is lost; and, not to mention the inconvenience which the public must feel in having its usual supply curtailed, the labour

er himself must forfeit the fruits of honest industry. This is so obvious a consideration, and so readily forces itself into notice, when a combination is proposed, that, aware of its importance, schemes have been fallen on to avert its consequences. Accordingly we find that, in several professions, the members in the adjacent districts are so closely connected, that any stoppage in the wages of those who combine is not immediately felt, but is made up by the contributions of those who, though not agents in the combination, are nevertheless interested in its issue. This, however, does not impair the real loss; it merely graduates it; and in mitigating the primary shock, it imposes a burden, which is felt through a long series of years. It is evident, that such exertions do not altogether proceed from disinterested motives; and a similar want among those by whom they were granted, will immediately command back all the sums formerly bestowed.

All this, however, might be borne ; privations and hardships of a higher kind might even be endured, were a probable prospect of success held out to encourage them under such pressing inconveniencies. It seems, however, infallibly to happen, that all attempts to obstruct the natural movements of society recoil with impetuosity upon the deluded agent; and, after the subsidence of that anarchy which he has created, he finds others quietly invested in the possession of those blessings which he formerly enjoyed. Such, in fact, seems to be the ultimate effects of all those partial combinations which, embracing only a small number of individuals, leave their places a privileged capture to their more prudent neighbours; and their interest, concurring with that of masters, and the general advantage of the country, soon conspire to fill up the vacant situations. And, as it may be expected, some small deficiency in the supply of hands will be occasioned by the combina

(ion, so it may be supposed that this deficiency will operate some trifling rise in the price of work; and if this rise be more than the employers can conveniently afford, it will also be some trifle above the average value of kabour; so that this profession will hold out more encouragement than any other of equal difficulty in attainment, and will therefore, in the end, come to be more fully supplied.

But, supposing the combination to be so general as to extend over the whole country in which it originates, it must still be evident, that the difference of this from the former is not in kind, but only in degree; and it will follow, as a natural inference, that having foreign competitors in trade, even this large coalition carries in its bosom the seeds of its own discomfiture. If, by its influence, the price of any of those commodities in which we had formerly undersold the traders of other countries, should be raised above that of our rivals, it is indisputable, that the continental market, in which our goods formerly commanded an immediate purchase, will be supplied at a cheaper rate; and even, so far as our own laws respecting trade will admit, foreign articles will find their way into this country.

In calculating on the issue of a combination, all consideration of those impediments which arise from the jealousy which attaches to an extended commerce, appear to be laid out of sight; and those who combine, proceed on the absurd supposition, that in every capricious or interested rise in the price of a commodity, they will be voluntarily followed by those whose !efforts have always been directed to supplant them. Granting, however, that a combination may be so general, and altogether so constructed, as not to be subject to any of the corrective cheques which we have enumerated, it may still be enquired, whether, in this case, it can produce all those beneficial effects which have been so

fondly anticipated? If the object be some of those superfluous articles which minister to human luxury, it may be pretty safely predicted, that the demand for it will be considerably lessened; and although the sum given for an assigned quantity may be greater than formerly, yet, as the consumpt will be smaller, the total profits will likewise be diminished. Again, should the article be a necessary of life, any combination, by which the rate of it is endeavoured to be raised, must soon prove ineffective: not, indeed, from any diminution in the demand, (for that must continue nearly the same) but from the operation of that stretching principle, which the combination engenders; and from that alteration which it introduces in the relative value of those articles, each of which contribute a part to the sum of human happiness. The necessaries of life are the measure of its accessory commodities; and their proportional value having been settled, any rise in the former accomplishes a corresponding rise in the latter. Carry this a little further-the more necessary affects the more luxurious, till the particular augmentation is lost in the general rise; and till it amounts to nothing more, than an unsubstantial and frivolous alteration in the denomination of value.

T.