definitely upon the Britisher than upon those who come as natural aliens to the Dominion. Until a few months ago, no large and careful effort was made to assist the British-born in Canada to understand the peculiar privilege and responsibility that belongs to them. Canadian elections for the last twenty years have been fought on domestic issues. But when the Reciprocity Agreement, made with the United States at the instigation of President Taft, was used by him to teach the Republicans from Rhode Island to the Golden Gate that Canada was at the parting of the ways, and that they could prevent the possibility of a commercial union within the British Empire by securing a commercial and social union between the United States and Canada, an issue was raised which affected the very foundation on which the broad current of Canadian National development moves. And so there was issued An Appeal to the British-born' to throw themselves into the fight for pro-Canadian, pro-British independence-an appeal which, followed up by a vigorous platform and press propaganda, did much, perhaps more than any other special effort, to secure the victory which has given more hope to British Imperialists the world over than anything else that has happened within living memory.

The appeal was made entirely from the point of view of the Britisher's pride in Canada. It has left results, not only in the constitution of the House of Commons at Ottawa, but in many constituencies, for there were formed branches of the CanadaBritish Association, the objects of which are:

To promote, especially among those of British birth and origin, the sense of Canadian Nationality as an increasing power within the British Empire.

To promote the preservation and extension of the Canadian and British channels of commerce on which the prosperity of the Dominion has been founded.

To encourage in conjunction with organisations in the United Kingdom the immigration of settlers from the British Isles, especially those who will make good Canadian citizens.

To establish wherever possible branches of the Association for the purpose of disseminating information and encouraging discussion on Canadian and British political and historical events and movements.

To extend a welcome to all newcomers from the Old Country by fraternal organisation, and to assist such newcomers to obtain remunerative employment.

As an indication of the effectiveness of the appeal, it is worth mentioning that in St. Thomas, a city of fifteen thousand inhabitants, the Canada-British Association has four hundred

members, and has taken its own Club-rooms-proceedings which are being emulated in other thriving towns where the Britishborn element is a growing factor in public life.

Here, surely, is the living link between the Old Land and the New, the means by which there may spread in the Old an anticipation of what the New will inevitably bring forth. From the point of view of commerce alone, something of this kind is necessary, for as in the competitive market the customer is king, the British manufacturer must, more and more, adapt his goods to the requirements of his purchasers, and may advantageously acquire some of the notions which make his invisible customer's all-powerful demands in some sort the pattern for those whose prosperity is absolutely dependent upon them.

The Emigrant Returned is not full of visions of a new heaven and a new earth, but he will have more sympathy than many of you are apt to suspect with those who are leading the fight against the attendant evils of an appalling poverty which is becoming recognised all over the world as the outstanding sign of the recreation of Britain. Happy as we are to be free of the necessity of taking sides in British politics, I do not think there is a single student of Canadian-British affairs, who, watching the disadvantages which the average British emigrant brings to the Dominion, and knowing by experience something of the spectred poverty, the terrible hopelessness of millions of lives in the Old Land, does not feel most poignantly that, in this year, the casualties of British industrial magnificence are more ominous than its presentday glories. We are not unmindful of what is said about demagoguery, socialism, the quartering of the poverty-stricken upon those who possess a greater abundance of this world's goods. We do not find it difficult to appreciate the splendour of the contributions of the past to the present. But more insistent than these things are the evidences that assail the eyes and offend the ears of those who return to the Old Land from the New, that without some regeneration that will improve the physique, renew self-reliance, and create a future for that third of the population which Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman declared to be on the verge of want, there can be no hope that you or we together can hold in the world the place that the history, the achievements, and the still abundant quality of our race should insure for us.

We cannot become a dumping-ground for social wrecks. Your repairs must be accomplished where the damage has been done, but we may contribute greatly to the work of restoration by helping to prevent the decline of millions of your people into the abyss where so many millions already lie.


Just as this article was ready for the post the cable brought summaries of speeches by Lord Selborne and the Duke of Marlborough which predict that a policy of Imperial emigration will become a plank in the British Conservative platform. The sign is good, from whatever side in British politics it comes. Only remember, remember, that the signpost of success points away from Downing Street old style to the Emigrant Returned.

P.P.S.-And, since then, Mr. Bonar Law has become Leader of the Unionist party in the House of Commons. He is of New Brunswick. Success points away from Downing Street old style to the Emigrant Returned.'

142 Beech Avenue, Toronto.




It has often been said, and we think with truth, that the Oxford Movement has failed and that it is time to reckon up the Church's debt to its promoters. The remark was originally made by the Bishop of Carlisle; but it has been loudly echoed far and wide, and some such admission of comparative failure has been discreetly hinted by Bishop Gore himself. Indeed, no one can be in touch with the more recent historical products of our two chief Universities without noticing the distinctly Protestant trend of our leading historians. The Cambridge Modern History was planned by a Liberal Catholic; but its decidedly Protestant bias has already given offence to its reviewers of the Tractarian school. The admirable series of political and ecclesiastical histories edited by such eminent High Churchmen as Dr. William Hunt and Dean Stephens have a free and impartial and Protestant outlook. Even with such pronounced contributors as Mr. Frere, of Mirfield, they are fair to Henry the Eighth, defend the Elizabethan reforms and speak well of Froude; while Mr. Fletcher's new Histories of England written for young students on a new plan are aggressively Protestant. Of more distinctively Churchly productions Mr. Warre-Cornish's brilliant History of the English Church in the Nineteenth Century' sketches with sympathetic impartiality the two movements, Evangelical and Tractarian, which at the beginning of that century struggled for supremacy in the bosom of the National Church. Yet the distinguished writer, who is a moderate High Churchman,' singles out Archbishop Tait as the beau idéal of English Churchmanship; and Tait was far from being a Tractarian. More recently still, a powerful writer in the Edinburgh Review, in summing up the results of the Oxford Movement, regards its moral and social influence as one of the most disquieting' features of the present time. This article was followed in October last by a contribution to the Churchman from the pen of a definite High Anglican, criticising the present tendencies of the Oxford School as having far outrun

The English Church in the Nineteenth Century, by F. Warre-Cornish, Vice Provost of Eton; 2 vols., 1911 (Macmillan).

' Ed. Rev., July 1911. Art. i. "The Church of England To-day."

the limits of loyalty to the Prayer Book; and this view of the matter the Roman Church has accepted by announcing a republication this year in English dress of a very sympathetic history of the Tractarian Movement which represents Pusey as the Churchbell to the Roman Catholic sanctuary."

The views of the present writer are largely those of the new Canon of St. Paul's, a youthful and distinguished divine, lately Principal of the Theological Seminary at Leeds. Canon Simpson, who announced a change of position some two or three years ago on the subject of the Atonement, now defends the Evangelical standpoint of Augustine and the Reformers as against the more formal and traditional piety of Laud and the Tractarians. In this attitude of mind he has been anticipated by Bishop Creighton, who, if we may trust the authentic Life, boldly stated that he was a Christian before he was a Churchman, and that the over-preaching of the Incarnation (instead of the Atonement) weakened the sense of sin' in man. Those who wish for a compendious and sympathetic sketch of the entire movement on its historical side at the hands of a competent lay critic, will not fail to notice in Sir Samuel Hall's Short History of the Oxford Movement traces of its decadence and decay.

But no movement can be understood until it has become concrete in the personality of a single man. And such a man was LIDDON. Of the many worthy men whom the Oxford Movement had the honour of producing, Liddon was in many respects the most exemplary. For while Pusey, Keble, Hurrell Froude and Denison were its professional champions and therefore represented its most active interests, Liddon proclaimed to the world at large its more winning side-that of a cultured gentleman at his best, at once a Churchman and an academic, a man of society and a man of letters. It is undeniable that where the first disciples of Newman might have failed Liddon in his quieter and less original but more polished and unworldly manner would have succeeded.5 This is admirably brought out in Mr. G. W. E. Russell's little sketch of Liddon just re-published."

It is twenty years since Liddon died. In those twenty years, as Liddon foresaw would happen,' the Oxford Movement seems


Le réveil du Catholicisme en Angleterre au XIXème Siècle, Paris, 1907 (Poussielgue).

See especially his Preachers and Teachers (Arnold, 1910), Christus Crucifixus, Fact and Faith, etc.

In this I am glad to find myself anticipated by the brilliant author, contemporary with Liddon, of Great Modern Preachers (1875, Clarke, Hodder & Stoughton).

Dr. Liddon, by G. W. E. Russell, in the English Churchman's Library,' December 1911 (Mowbray).

' In 1884 Liddon wrote: High Church principles are more widely diffused than they were, but they are held in a much feebler and less emphatic form than

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