Englishmen, and the artillery of Scotchmen, would certainly adhere to their duty, yet defections might take place in the infantry, two-thirds of which was composed of Irishmen; and the history of the Continental states during the last half-century contained too many proofs of the fatal results to which the treachery of a single regiment might lead. CHAP. XXI. 1828. 123. ment of the Cabinet. These difficulties strongly presented themselves to the Cabinet ministers, and especially the Duke of Welling- Commenceton, whose mind, eminently practical and sagacious, had yielding in been trained, amidst the ever-changing vicissitudes of July and military warfare, to abandon old positions, and take up August. new ones when the former had become untenable, and who looked rather to the real and lasting interests of the State than to the individual consistency or reputation of the public men intrusted with its defence. From the time, accordingly, that the Catholic Association had become so formidable, and the Clare election had proved how powerfully it might be brought to bear on the majority in Parliament, the necessity of "settling the question," as it was called—that is, conceding all the demands of the Catholics-had been secretly discussed in the Cabinet, and plans regarding it submitted to the King. His Majesty, however, was immovable, and not only manifested the utmost repugnance to any concession, but again and strongly urged the adoption of vigorous coercive measures against the Romish agitators. Beset thus with difficulties on all sides, the Ministers determined on feeling their way with the country, and for this purpose putting forward a confidential agent, whose words, if imprudent or unsuccessful, might be disavowed by the Government. This expedient, so well known in the diplomacy of despotic states, and more easily vindicated on grounds of expedience or necessity than either integrity or honour, was early resorted to; and the person selected was Mr Dawson, one of the members for the county of Londonderry, brother-in-law to Sir R. Peel, and holding office ΧΧΙ. CHAP. under Government. The time and place chosen was a public dinner given at Londonderry, on the 12th August, to celebrate the defence of that city against the Catholic arms of James II. 1828. 124. son's speech at London derry. Aug. 12. Mr Dawson said on this occasion: "The state of IreMr Daw land is an anomaly in the history of civilised nations. It is true we have a government to which an outward show of obedience is given, which is responsible to Parliament, and answerable to God for the manner of administering its functions; but it is equally true that an immense majority of the people look up, not to the legitimate Government, but to an irresponsible and self-constituted Association, for the administration of the affairs of the country. The peace of Ireland depends, not upon the government of the King, but upon the dictation of the Catholic Association. It has defied the Government, and trampled upon the law of the land; and it is beyond contradiction, that the same power which banished a Cabinet minister from the representation of his county, because he was a minister of the King, can maintain or disturb the peace of the country, just as it suits the caprice or ambition of those who exert it. The same danger impends over every institution established by law. The Church enjoys its dignity, and the clergy their revenues, by the laws of the land; and we know not how soon the Catholic Association may issue its anathemas against the payment of tithes; and what man is hardy enough to say the Catholic people will disobey its mandates? It depends on the Catholic Association whether the clergy receive their incomes or not. The condition of the landlords is not more consoling. Already they have become ciphers on their estates; in many places they have become, worse still, the tools of their domineering masters, the Catholic priesthood: and it depends upon a single breath, a single resolution, of the Catholic Association, whether they are robbed of their rents or not. So perfect an organisation was never yet achieved by any XXI. 1828. body not possessing the legitimate power of government. CHAP. It is powerful, it is arrogant, it derides, it has triumphed over the enactments of the legislature, and it goes on filling its coffers from the voluntary contributions of the people. There is but one alternative-either to crush the Association, or to look at the question with an inten- 1 Ann. Reg. tion to settle it. The latter is the course I prefer; the 132." former is neither practicable nor desirable."1 1828, 130, 125. letter of the Wellington, Lord-Lieu This speech, coming from the quarter it did, made an immense sensation. The Catholics shouted victory; the Ambiguous Protestants, amazed and dejected, could only express Duke of their indignation in impotent declamation. Such was and explicit the consternation produced, that Mr Dawson was dis- one of the avowed, and deprived of his situation. It soon appeared, tenant. however, from still higher authority, that some settlement of the question was in the contemplation of the Cabinet. Dr Curtis, titular Catholic Primate of Ireland, who, when in a situation at Salamanca, had been intimate with the Duke of Wellington during his Peninsular campaigns, addressed a letter to his Grace on the state of Ireland, to which he returned an answer, in terms cautious indeed, but indicating, not obscurely, an intention to concede emancipation." This letter was carried by Dr Curtis to a meeting of the Catholic Association, where it was received with tumultuous applause, and universally considered as an indication on the part of the Government to yield. A still more unequivocal symptom of the same disposition appeared, a few days afterwards, in a letter of the Marquess of Anglesea, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, * "I have received your letter of 4th December; and I assure you that you do me justice in believing that I am sincerely anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman Catholic question, which, by benefiting the State, would confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it. But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settlement. Party has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassionately. If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and employ that time diligently in the consideration of its difficulties on all sides (for they are very great), I should not despair of seeing a satisfactory result."-WELLINGTON to Dr CURTIS, Dec. 11, 1828; Ann. Reg. 1828, p. 149. XXI. 1828. CHAP. to Dr Curtis, on receiving a copy of the Duke's letter, in which emancipation was openly spoken of as the only means of pacifying Ireland.* Whatever the views of the Cabinet were at this period, this letter went beyond them; and it was deemed necessary to mark the disapThe next post brought the recall of Lord Anglesea from the government of Ireland, and the appointment of the Duke of Northumberland in his stead.1 1 Ann. Reg. proval of it by a very decided measure. 1828, 149, 151; Mar tineau, i. 479,480. 126. But whatever vacillation the Cabinet may have exIncreased perienced at this juncture, there was none evinced by the violence of leaders of the Catholics. On the contrary, the more that lic leaders. disunion appeared in the ranks of their adversaries, the the Catho more united did they become, and the more loudly did they proclaim their determination to abate in nothing from their claims, to accept of no compromise, to take everything that was offered, but agitate unceasingly for "I venture to offer my opinion upon the course which it behoves the Catholics to pursue. Perfectly convinced that the final and cordial settlement of this great question can alone give peace, harmony, and prosperity to all classes of his Majesty's subjects in this kingdom, I must acknowledge my disappointment on learning that there is no prospect of its being effected during the present session of Parliament. I, however, derive great satisfaction from observing, that his Grace is not wholly averse to the measure; for, if he can be induced to promote it, he of all men will have the greatest facility in carry. ing it into effect. . . . I differ from the opinion of the Duke, that an attempt should be made to 'bury in oblivion' the question for a short time. First, because the thing is utterly impossible; and, next, if the thing were possible, I fear that advantage might be taken of the pause, by representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent reaction, and by proclaiming that, if the Government at once and peremptorily decided against concession, the Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the miseries of the last years in Ireland will be to be reacted. What I do recommend is, that the measure should not be for a moment lost sight of; that anxiety should continue to be manifested; that all constitutional (in contradiction to merely legal) means should be resorted to, to forward the cause; but that, at the same time, the most patient forbearance, the most submissive obedience to the laws, should be inculcated; that no personal and offensive language should be held towards those who oppose the claims. Let the Catholic trust to the justice of his cause, and the growing liberality of mankind. It is the legislature which must decide this question; and my greatest anxiety is, that it should be met by the Parliament under the most favourable circumstances, and that the opposers of Catholic emancipation should be disarmed by the patient forbearance, as well as the unwearied perseverance, of its advocates."-Marquess of ANGLESEA to Dr CURTIS, 23d Dec. 1828; Ann. Reg. 1828, p. 150, note. the remainder. XXI. 1828. "The detailed paltry question of politi- CHAP. cal discount," said Mr O'Connell, "shall not be listened to. We despise, we abhor it. We degraded ourselves by such a traffic before, and it would be double delinquency to assent to it again. I therefore want that we should pledge ourselves to have unqualified emancipation, or nothing at all. I don't care if the Government bring in a bill for our relief unconnected with any existing privileges. We will take anything they give us. They owe us twenty-eight shillings in the pound. Let them give us fifteen shillings in the pound; we will proceed against them for the remainder. We'll take the instalment, and demand the residue with greater earnestness. I'll not object to any bill for our emancipation, if we were only to look at it; for since the abominable Union we have not gotten the least increase of our rights. I am not therefore opposed to partial relief; all I say is, that I shall oppose any bargain or absurd securities with all my force. I myself may be taunted with consenting to the measure called 'the Wings,' for disfranchising the fortyshilling freeholders in 1825. I know that I deserve that reproach; and I answer to those who assail me, that the only way in which I can atone for my error is, by a firm and determined opposition to any encroachments hereafter. Sooner than give up the forty-shilling freeholders, I would go back to the penal code. They form part of the constitution: their right is as sacred as that of the King to the throne, and it would be treason against the people to make any attempt to disfranchise them. I am loyal to the throne; but if an attempt were made to disfranchise the forty-shilling freeholders, I would conceive it just to resist that attempt with force, and in such resistance I would be ready to perish in the field or on the scaffold." In pursuance of this principle, the Association unanimously passed a resolution "that Dec. 16. they would deem any attempt to deprive the forty-shilling freeholders of their franchise a direct violation of the |