1828. 1MrO’Connell and Mr Sheil's CHAP. constitution." "The Duke of Wellington," said Mr XXI. Sheil, "could not adopt a plan more calculated to throw the country in a blaze than such an atrocious attempt at spoliating the rights of the Irish people. I trust he will not pursue this course; but if he should, I tell him we would rather submit for ever to the pressure of the parricidal code, which crushed our fathers to the grave, than assent to this robbery of a generous peasantry's privileges."1 speeches, Dec. 16, 1828, and Nov. 19; Ann. Reg. 1828, 146, 147. 127. which Mi While the nation was in a state of the most anxious Difficulties suspense from these alternate indications of policy, and nisters had all eyes were turned towards the meeting of Parliament, King on the When something definite might be expected on the subsubject. ject, the Cabinet was not only at first divided in regard with the to it, but they experienced, when they became united, the most strenuous opposition on the part of the Sovereign to any concession. The Duke of Wellington was the first of the anti-Catholic party in the Cabinet who became convinced of the necessity of yielding, and when he first communicated his views to Mr Peel, the latter acquiesced in them, but declared his intention of resigning both his situation in the Cabinet and his seat for Oxford. It would have been well for his reputation if he had adhered entirely to his first impression; but he was induced to forego it," upon the representation that it * "I know well that all personal feelings must be subordinate to the public good; but I cannot help feeling, at the same time, that my own position was materially different from that of any other Minister, and I would willingly have retired from that interference in the settlement of the question which now devolved upon me. In the course of the discussions, however, connected with the consideration of this subject, my noble friend (Wellington) said that my retirement would greatly embarrass him ; and this being the case, and it having been proved to my satisfaction that the difficulties in the way of settling the question would be increased if I pressed my retirement, I said to my noble friend, that if such was likely to be the consequence, no consideration should induce me to urge my own personal wishes, but that I was ready to uphold, in my place, a measure which I was firmly convinced had now become necessary. My noble friend has done everything in his power to render the measure about to be proposed satisfactory to all parties; neither had he, in the consideration of this measure, been at all intimidated by the proceedings of the Catholic Association. My noble friend had felt it to be his duty to advise his Majesty to resort to the proposed measure, and would not allow XXI. 1828. would be a dereliction of duty to desert his Sovereign and CHAP. the prime-minister on a crisis like the present, when that Sovereign was probably suffering more than any of his confidential servants. He contented himself, therefore, though with great reluctance, with resigning his seat for Oxford, and consented to bring in the bill into the House of Commons. The Cabinet was then united on the subject; but when they came to the King they experienced the utmost resistance. George IV., with all his faults, possessed much of his father's firmness of character and penetration of mind, and he inherited all his convictions on the vital importance of Protestant principles towards the maintenance of his family on the throne. The Cabinet, however, were united and firm, and twice over tendered their resignation if not permitted to bring in a measure which they deemed essential to the public welfare, and, in fact, of absolute necessity. Thus pressed, and being aware of the impossibility of forming an antiCatholic cabinet, or, if formed, of obtaining for it a majority in the House of Commons, the King, after much struggling, and with the greatest pain, gave a reluctant consent to the measure. He did so, however, still cling- Eldon's ing to the hope that in the interim the country would be 83; Mr so much roused on the subject as to enable him to avert planation, the dreaded blow, or possibly authorise him to put his xx. 87, 88. constitutional veto upon the whole measure.1* any imputations which he felt to be unjust to influence his conduct. To myself, the adoption of this measure has been a most painful sacrifice. I have done all in my power to free myself from any engagements which might prevent me from exercising the most unfettered judgment on this vital question. I considered the path which led to a satisfactory settlement of it to be, under all the circumstances of the country, the course most free from peril; and whatever part I may have taken on former occasions with respect to this question, I considered it perfectly reconcilable with my duty, as a member of that House and a servant of the Crown, to do all I could to fulfil the solemn injunction of his Majesty to consider this question, involving so deeply not only the best feelings of the people, but the tranquillity of the United Kingdom."-See Sir R. PEEL'S Speech, Feb. 5, 1829; Parl. Deb. xx. 87. * The King's own account of the matter to Lord Eldon was as follows: "That at the time the Administration was formed, no reason was given him to suppose that any measure for the relief of the Roman Catholics was in contemplation; 1 Life, iii. Peel's Ex Parl. Deb. CHAP. XXI. 1829. 128. King's speech. Feb. 5, 1829. At length Parliament met, and the speech from the throne contained the following passage: "His Majesty laments that in that part of the United Kingdom an Association still exists which is dangerous to the public peace and inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution, which keeps alive discord and ill-will among his Majesty's subjects, and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland. His Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament, and he feels assured that you will commit to him such powers as may enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority. His Majesty recommends that, when this essential object shall have been accomplished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and that you should review the laws which impose disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. You will consider whether the removal of these disabilities can be effected consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the reformed religion established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge."1 A few days 1829, 6, 8. after, a bill was brought in for the suppression of the Catholic Association, and vested in the Lord-Lieutenant, Feb. 10. 1 Parl. Deb. xx. 4, 5; Ann. Reg. that he had frequently himself suggested the absolute necessity of putting down the Roman Catholic Association, of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, to destroy the power of the most seditious and rebellious of the members of it, particularly at the time when Lawless began his march; that instead of following what he so strongly recommended, after some time, not long before the commencement of the present session, he was applied to, to allow his Ministers to propose to him, as a united Cabinet, the opening of Parliament, by sending such a message as his speech contained; that after much struggling against it, and after the measure had been pressed upon him as an absolute necessity, he had consented that the Protestant members of his Cabinet, if they could so persuade themselves to act, might join in such a representation to him, but that he would not then, nor in his recommendation to Parliament, pledge himself to anything. He repeatedly mentioned that he represented to his Ministers the infinite pain it gave him to consent even to that."—Lord Eldon's Life, iii. 83. to exercise that power whenever it should seem to him CHAP. expedient to do so. ΧΧΙ. 1829. 129. sensation Immense was the sensation which this speech created in the country: nothing had been witnessed like it since Immense the Revolution which dethroned James II. The Catholics which this speech exwere comparatively quiescent both in Great Britain and cited in the Ireland; they had gained the day in the mean time, country. and awaited the proper season for ulterior proceedings. The bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association passed both Houses without any opposition. Not so the Protestants. Deserted, and, as they deemed themselves, betrayed, by those to whom they had hitherto looked up as their natural guardians, they everywhere broke out into the fiercest demonstrations, the most gloomy prophecies of ruin, if the threatened measure were carried into effect. The staunchest of the Tory press commenced the most violent attacks on the Government, which they accused of treachery, cowardice, and desertion of their most sacred duties to their country. Sir Charles Wetherall, the Attorney-General, made, while still holding office, the most withering and impassioned harangue against the Ministry, and especially Mr Peel, the avowed leader of the anti-Catholic party. The country quickly and energetically answered the appeal. From all quarters petitions against the Roman Catholics poured into both Houses; and it was soon apparent that, if the matter were to be decided by a numerical majority of the whole inhabitants of the country, or if the House of Commons were a real representation of the feelings of the people, the bill would at once be thrown out by a large majority. Mr Peel honourably resigned his seat for Oxford, and was defeated, in his attempt to be re-elected, by Sir R. Inglis, after a keen and protracted contest, by majority of 146 out of 1364 voters. "The strength the anti-Catholic party," says Miss Martineau," as Deb. xx. shown in the petitions, was great; but in the House of 519, 578. Commons it was not so.1 The same reason which had a 1 Martineau, i. 499; Ann. of Reg. 1829, 7, 13; Parl. 146, 178, XXI. CHAP. caused the conversion of the Administration caused that of their adherents generally, and the power of argument was all on one side." 1829. 130. of Mr Peel lics. The bill for the suppression of the Catholic AssociaArgument tion having passed both Houses, and received the royal in favour of assent, leave to bring in the bill for the concession of the the Catho- Roman Catholic claims was moved for in the House of Commons by Mr Peel, in an uncommonly full house. The argument urged was to the following effect: "The subject is surrounded by many difficulties, but the time has now arrived when the amicable adjustment of the question would be attended with less danger than any other which I could suggest. On that opinion I am prepared to act, unchanged by any expression of an opposite opinion, however general or deep, unchanged by the forfeiture of political confidence, or by the heavy loss of private friendship. In 1825, when the bill passed the Commous, I intimated to Lord Liverpool my desire to resign in order to facilitate the adjustment of the question, and was prevailed on not to do so only by the assurance that it would dissolve the Ministry. In 1828, when the bill was again passed, I intimated a similar wish to the Duke of Wellington, with the addition that, seeing the current of public opinion, I was ready to sacrifice.consistency and friendship, and support the measure, provided it was undertaken on principles consistent with the safety of the Protestant Establishment. I am aware that it is incumbent on me to make out a case for this change of policy, and that case is made out from the following considerations. 131. "Matters cannot continue as they are the evils of Continued. divided councils are so great that something must be done, and a Government must be formed with a united. opinion on the subject. Secondly, a united Government must do one of two things; it must either grant further political rights to the Catholics, or recall those which they already possess. But, thirdly, to deprive the |