XXII.

1830.

now found themselves wounded in their affections. The strongest convictions of their understandings, the deepest feelings of their hearts, had been set at nought or lacerated by a great measure forced upon the nation, in opposition alike to the wishes of the Sovereign and the loudly expressed sentiments of a decided majority of the people, by ministerial influence and the votes of the representatives of the close boroughs. Immense was the impression which the perception of this occasioned. It was admitted by the advocates of emancipation, that, if the popular voice had determined the question, it would never have been carried; and yet it had become the law of the land. Before this stern reality the illusion of the people's voice being all-powerful in England had melted away. The wrath of the leaders of the old Tories and the High Church party exhaled in Parliament on many different occasions. So vehement did the excitement become that the Duke of Wellington challenged Lord Winchelsea for words spoken in the House of Peers, and a duel ensued, happily without any serious results on either side.* A motion was made for parliamentary reform soon after the Relief Bill passed, which was negatived by a majority of 1 Parl. Deb. 74 in a House of 184; but the names in the minority revealed the great transposition of parties which had taken place. In the course of it, Mr William Smith, the member for Norwich, said, "One effect, he was happy to

June 2.

xxi. 1688;

Ann. Reg.

1829;

Chron. 58.

March 19.

*This duel deserves to be noticed as the last between any men of mark in Great Britain before this barbarous practice went into desuetude. The cause of offence was, that, in a letter published in the newspapers to the secretary of the Association for establishing King's College, London, Lord Winchelsea said: "Late political events have convinced me that the whole transaction (regarding the College) was intended as a blind to the Protestant and High Church party, that the noble Duke, who had for some time previous to that determined upon breaking in upon the constitution of 1688, might the more effectually, under the cloak of some outward show of zeal for the Protestant religion, carry on his insidious designs for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery into every department of the State." The Duke, upon seeing this, wrote to Lord Winchelsea: "No man has a right, whether in public or private, by speech, or in writing, or in print, to insult another, by attributing to him motives for his conduct, public or private, which disgrace

XXII.

find, had been produced by the Catholic Relief Bill, CHAP. which its best friends had not anticipated: it had transformed a number of the highest Tories in the land into something very nearly resembling Radical reformers."

1830.

8.

of the entire

notes in

A circumstance occurred at this time which most materially tended to swell the cry for reform in Parliament, Great effect by increasing the difficulties under which, from the effect suppression of legislative measures, the industrious classes laboured. of small By the act passed in February 1826, regarding small March1829. notes, it had been provided that, though no new stamps were to be issued for small notes after its date, the notes already in circulation were to continue to circulate, and be received as a legal tender for three years longer. These three years expired in March 1829; and all notes in England below £5 immediately disappeared from the circulation. Great was the effect of this decisive change upon the fortunes and well-being of the industrious classes, both in town and country, over the whole nation. Coinciding, by a singular chance in point of time, with the sudden conversion of so many statesmen and legislators, in both Houses, on the subject of the Catholic claims, and the passing of the Relief Bill in consequence, it powerfully tended to inflame the desire for radical change, by superadding personal and private distress generally in the industrious classes to indignation at public measures, distrust in public men. The diminution in the circulation

or criminate him. If a gentleman commits such an act indiscreetly, in the heat of debate, or in a moment of party violence, he is always ready to make reparation to the party whom he may have thus injured. I am convinced that your Lordship will, upon reflection, be anxious to reclaim yourself from the pain of having thus insulted a man who never injured or offended you." Lord Winchelsea refused to make what was deemed by the Duke a satisfactory explanation: the parties met, and Lord Winchelsea fired in the air, after March 21. receiving the Duke's fire, which carried off a curl of his hair. The Earl, having done so, made a very handsome apology for words which were certainly unwarrantable in the circumstances, because they imputed motives not apparent on the face of the transaction. The Duke rode to the place of meeting at Chalk Farm, attended only by Sir Henry Hardinge as his second, and a single servant. -See Ann. Reg. 1829, pp. 58, 62.

XXII.

1830.

CHAP. in consequence was immediate and decisive: but this effect, great as it was, was the least part of the evil.* It was the contraction of credit consequent on the diminution which was the real evil, and that in a commercial country soon induced universal distress. It is one thing for bankers to issue small notes to customers of their own, striking off which from being the general medium of circulation, they are sure will not come back upon them for a very long period, if at all it is another and a very different thing to issue sovereigns or large notes, whether of their own or the Bank of England, which can only be purchased for full value.

9.

Motion on

the distress

weavers.

The silk-weavers were the first who brought their sufferings before the legislature, under the new state of of the silk- monetary matters. It appeared from the statements made by the petitioners, that, since the change in the law regarding the importation of foreign silks, there had been a progressive and most alarming diminution in the importation of the raw material, and increase in the importation of the foreign manufactured, insomuch that "there had already been lost to the industry of this country no less than £1,000,000 yearly. Hence our silk-mills and looms. were standing still, the weavers were starving, and it was quite certain that many even of the masters were giving up the trade, and becoming mere importers." + The allegations of the petitioners were so notoriously well founded, and so entirely supported by the parliamentary

In 1824-5 there were 17,000 looms employed in Spitalfields; in 1829 there were 9000. The rate of wages in the former period was 17s. a-week, in the latter 9s. Weavers in the former period got 8s., in the latter 5s.-Parl. Deb., vol. xxi., pp. 751, 754. Ann. Reg. 1829, 116, 117.

XXII.

1830.

returns on the subject, that Ministers did not attempt to CHAP. deny the facts asserted, but only alleged that the distress was owing, not to Free Trade, but to over-production ; that it was as great in France as in England; and that matters would be still worse if the system of protection were restored. They took, however, the only proper course which could be adopted under the circumstances, and in conformity with the principles of Free Trade; and that was, to make a considerable reduction in the duties on the importation of the raw material. The duties, accordingly, were lowered on fine silk from 5s. to 3s. 6d., and on inferior from 5s. to 1s. 6d. This change only augmented the general clamour, as it threw numbers of persons engaged in working up raw silk out of employment, and serious riots took place in Bethnal Green and 118; MarSpitalfields, during which property to a large amount was 508. destroyed.1

Parl. Deb.

xxi. 779,

782; Ann.

Reg. 1829.

tineau, i.

10.

of 1829.

The gradual recovery of the country from the monetary crisis of 1825, and the non-arrival as yet of the lowering The Budget effects of the suppression of small notes in March 1829, enabled the Chancellor of the Exchequer to exhibit a more cheering picture of the state of the finances than had been exhibited in the preceding year. The revenue of 1828 had been £55,187,000, and the expenditure £49,336,000, leaving a surplus applicable to the reduction of debt of £5,850,000. These figures deserve to be particularly noted, as affording a proof of the elasticity of the British finances, and the large sums which, notwithstanding the copious bleedings to which the Sinking Fund had been subjected, were still applicable to the reduction of the national debt, before the extinction of small notes, and consequent contraction of the currency, took full effect. It will appear in the sequel how woefully matters changed after this decisive contraction; and as Catholic emanci-2 Parl. Deb. pation was the last triumph of the nomination borough- 1231; Ann. holders, so this was the last year reduction of the debt was effected.2

xxi, 1170,

Reg. 1820.

when any material 119, 121. In three years after

VOL. IV.

XXII.

CHAP. this, the surplus entirely disappeared, and was succeeded by a course of years, during which, in a period of profound peace, considerable additions were annually made to the public debt.

1830.

11.

of Irish dis

tress and agitation.

The debate on this budget, however, elicited some Statement facts regarding the state of the country, which threw an of Mr Att- important light on the causes which had brought about the causes the recent great change in Ireland, and were preparing a still greater in Great Britain. The former were thus stated by Mr Attwood: "In 1814, the last year of the war, the exportations from Ireland to Great Britain amounted to £5,100,000, official value-official value is the measure of quantity: this account exhibits the gross amount of corn, cattle, linen, salted provisions, and other commodities sent from Ireland to Great Britain in that year. But the prices of these articles were set down according to the old valuations in 1697; the real money value, which is the declared value, was £10,500,000. In 1816, the official value-that is, the quantity—was the same, but the money or declared value had sunk to £7,100,000; in other words, £3,400,000 was lost to Ireland on the exports alone, being 34 per cent, although the rents, taxes, and engagements of every kind remained the same. In 1817, the distress became such that Government was compelled to postpone for two years longer the Bank Restriction Act; and the consequence was, that in 1818 the exports of Ireland to Great Britain rose to £10,300,000— within a trifle of what they had been in the last year of the war. But in 1819 the Bank Restriction Act passed; and the consequence was, that though the productions exported rose in 1822, as measured by official value, to £6,100,000, the money value sunk to £7,000,000! For more work they got less than two-thirds of the return in money! Whoever considers these figures will have no 1 Parl. Deb. difficulty in perceiving to what cause the whole subsequent xxi. 1231, 1232. difficulties and disturbances both of Great Britain and Ireland have been owing." 1