or the higher ranks, that the principle of loyalty exists? CHAP. Is it unknown among the middle ranks, among the citizens of towns, or the yeomanry of the country? All history tells the reverse. But if it really were so-if the great body of the middle class in England look with aversion on monarchy or aristocracy, then we must rest in the melancholy conclusion, that monarchical and aristocratic institutions are unsuited to this country. The end of all government is the happiness of the people; and that happiness can never be promoted by a form of government in which the middle classes place no confidence, and which exists only, even for a time, because they have no organ by which to make their sentiments known. The truth is, that they are at bottom as much attached to our monarchical form of government as the higher; and they have become alienated solely from not being allowed to participate in it. Give them that power; throw open the portals of the constitution, and they will become its firmest defenders. XXIII. 1831. 42. plan of re "To accomplish this object, the ministerial plan is as follows: It consists of three parts-those calculated to Ministerial get rid of the close boroughs, those intended to extend form. the suffrage, those destined to diminish the expense of elections. To accomplish the first object, it is proposed to disfranchise entirely all boroughs which by the census of 1821 had less than 2000 inhabitants. This will utterly disfranchise sixty boroughs, and get rid of 119 members. With regard to boroughs containing from 2000 to 4000 inhabitants by the same census, it is proposed not to disfranchise them altogether, but to reduce them to one member each. This will cut off forty-seven members-Weymouth, which now, by a strange anomaly, returns four members, being reduced to two. Thus far the process of disfranchisement, by which 168 members will be struck off. Then as to the work of enfranchisement, it is proposed that seven large towns, hitherto unrepresented, should send each two members, and twenty others one member each. Twenty-seven of the largest XXIII. 1831. CHAP. counties are to return four members; Yorkshire, the largest of all, two members for each Riding, or six members. Ten new members to be added to London and its suburbs, which will, with London, Southwark, and Westminster, raise the metropolitan representation to eighteen members.* * BOROUGHS ENTIRELY DISFRANCHISED AND PUT IN SCHEDULE A. Midhurst Milborne Minehead St Michael's, Sarum, Old folk Eye Appleby Fowey Bedwin Gatton Newport, Cornwall Seaford Newton, Lancashire Steyning Newton, Isle of Stockbridge Bishop's-Castle Hedon Wight Tregony Bletchingley Heytesbury Okehampton Wareham Boroughbridge Higham Ferrers Orford Wendover Bossiney Hindon BOROUGHS TO BE REDUCED TO ONE MEMBER EACH.-SCHEDULE B. XXIII. 1831. 43. tion of The £10 "The most important point of all—the qualification of CHAP. the new voters-remains behind. The existing right of voting in all boroughs is to be made the same, and to depend on one uniform qualification-viz., the payment Qualificaof a rent of £10 or upwards, or property to the same voters. amount. Existing non-resident electors were to retain clause. their right, but in future no electors in boroughs to be entitled to enrolment if non-resident, and all leaseholders for twenty-one years to be voters. In counties, copyholders to the value of £10, and all householders paying £10 rent, and all leaseholders paying £50 rent, provided they had leases for twenty-one years or upwards. No alteration to be made on the forty-shilling freeholders in counties. All electors to be registered: the registers to be made up by the overseers of parishes, according to the rating of each person; and the register to be made up and revised annually by assistant barristers appointed by the Lord Chief Justice. In towns, the poll to be limited to two days; in counties, the same, and the latter to be divided, so that, if possible, no elector should have more than fifteen miles to travel to his polling place. 44. "It may be objected, that the effect of this plan will be to destroy the power and privileges of the aristocracy, Continued. and exclude talent from the legislature. No apprehension can be more groundless. Large and populous boroughs will spontaneously choose men of great talent and public spirit. No reform can prevent wealth, probity, learning, and wit from having their proper influence on elections. Wherever the aristocracy reside, receive large incomes, perform important duties, relieve the poor by charity, it is not in human nature that they should not possess a great influence upon public opinion, and have an equal weight in electing persons to serve their country in Parliament. Though such persons may not have the direct nomination of members under this bill, they will have as much as they ought. But if by aristocracy are meant those persons who do not live among XXIII. 1831. CHAP. the people, and who care 'nothing for them-who seek honours without merit, places without duty, and pensions without service-for such an aristocracy we have no sympathy; and we think the sooner it is swept away, with the corruption which it has engendered, the better for the country in which it has repressed so long every wholesome and invigorating influence. 45. Scotland "With regard, again, to Scotland and Ireland, the Plan as to same principles will be carried into execution. In the and Ireland. former country, where the constituency is only 2500 for 2,500,000 people, and where it depends in counties on a mere feudal title of superiority, independent altogether of the property or possession of land, and in boroughs on the votes of self-elected town-councils, an entire change will be made. The qualifications will be the same in counties and boroughs as in England, so that in both political power will be taken out of the hands of the small junto in which it has hitherto been vested, and extended to the great middle class of the people. In Ireland, the ten-pound clause will be introduced both in boroughs and counties; and the franchise will be taken out of the hands of the corporations which have hitherto exclusively enjoyed it, and vested in the whole body of resident citizens. The general result would be an increase over the whole empire of about 500,000 electors, making, with those already enjoying it, above 900,000 for the two islands. Of these, 50,000 will be found in the new towns created into parliamentary boroughs in England; 110,000 additional electors in boroughs already returning members; London, 95,000; counties, 100,000; Scotland, 60,000; Ireland, 40,000. No change is intended to be proposed in the duration of Parliament, nor is the ballot to be introduced. The House will consist in all of 596 1 Ann. Reg. 1831, 6, 13; members, being a reduction of sixty-two on its present number of 658.1 By such a course alone will it be possible to give permanency to that constitution which has been so long the admiration of surrounding nations on Parl. Deb. ii. 1062, 1089 (3d series). XXIII. account of its popular spirit, but which cannot exist CHAP. much longer unless strengthened by an additional infusion of popular spirit, commensurate with the progress of knowledge and the increased intelligence of the age.' " 1831. 46. ment in the No words can convey an adequate idea of the astonishment which the announcement of this project of reform Astonishcreated in the House of Commons and the country. House at Nothing approaching to it has ever been witnessed before the bill. or has been since. Men's minds were prepared for a change, perhaps a very considerable one, especially in the enfranchising new cities and towns which now were unrepresented; but it never entered into the imagination of any human being out of the Cabinet that so sweeping and entire a change would be proposed, especially by the King's ministers. The Tories never had dreaded such a revolution; the Radicals never had hoped for it. Astonishment was the universal feeling. Many laughed outright those who did so were chiefly those whose seats were to be taken away. None thought the bill could pass; it was supposed by many that Ministers themselves neither intended nor desired it, but wished only to establish a thorn in the side of their adversaries, which should prevent them from holding power if they succeeded in displacing them. So universal was this feeling that it is now generally admitted that, had Sir R. Peel, instead of permitting the debate to go on, instantly |