XXIV. 1830. CHAP. Republican annalist, "were interrupted; every musketshot during the three days produced a bankruptcy. The Bank of France, though instituted expressly to ward off great crises, diminished its discounts with a cruel prudence, and sentinels watched over the doors of its treasures in a city filled with poor. Every day added to the distress of the people, attested by innumerable facts. The greatest of the printing offices in the capital employed, when the Revolution broke out, two hundred workmen, who earned each from four to six francs a-day; after the Revolution the premises were entirely closed during eight or ten days, at the end of which only ten or twelve workmen were re-employed. Even after the lapse of six months, not more than twenty or twenty-five were employed by any office, and they earned, not five francs a-day, but twenty-five or thirty sous. Yet was the trade of printing less depressed than others. This may give an idea of the immensity of the disasters which were universally experienced. To give one example among many others which might be cited: In the quarter of Gravilliers, a lodging-house, let to two hundred workmen for 17,000 francs, suddenly fell to 10,000, and ten years afterwards it had only risen to 14,000 francs." When such were the reality of the evils which the working classes endured, it was little consolation to them to be told they were the most brave and heroic of men, and 445, 446. that their praises were celebrated in a new Marseillaise, which was sung at all the theatres.1 1 Louis Blanc, i. 46. volution at deaux, and So completely, by the results of the first Revolution, Reception had the yoke of Paris been affixed round the neck of all of the Re France, that, after the capital had fairly declared itself, Lyons, Bor- all resistance ceased in the provinces. But before the Revolution was known, or the telegraph had announced to the obedient departments who was to be their master, very serious disturbances took place, and the great manufacturing towns exhibited on a smaller scale the conflicts in the streets of Paris. The explosion was electrical and in the pro vinces. XXIV. 1830, unanimous in all the great towns of France, and, as in CHAP. the capital, it was mainly determined by the defection. of the military. Lyons, in particular, was immediately convulsed upon the receipt of the intelligence from Paris of the publication of the ordonnances. The news arrived there on the 29th July, and instantly all business was suspended, groups were formed in the streets, and crowds assembled, in which resistance, or at least protestation, was openly discussed. No sooner, however, did intelligence arrive of the fighting in the streets of Paris, than an insurrection began under the command of Lieut. Zindel and M. Prévost. Barricades began to be thrown up, and the National Guard turned out; but bloodshed was prevented by the defection of the military, who withdrew to their barracks amidst cries of "Vive la charte! Vive la liberté! A bas les Bourbons!" The news from Paris speedily completed the victory of the insurgents, and Lyons received the Government of Louis Philippe without having fired a shot. It was the same at Bordeaux, Rouen, and Marseilles; and although the western departments were longer in giving in their adhesion, yet ere long they too became convinced that farther resistance was hopeless; 422, 425; and before a fortnight was over the dynasty everywhere was changed, and all France had acknowledged the sceptre 258, 264. of Louis Philippe.1 1 Louis Blanc, i. Cap. ii. 372, 379; Ann. Hist. 1830, of Louis Govern In Eng- ment. But although all France had thus confirmed the 47. Parisian change of dynasty, yet it was still a different Recognition matter how far Europe would acquiesce in it, and for Philippe by a considerable time it was more than doubtful whether it the English would not rekindle the flames of general war. land, indeed, it could not be doubted how the change would be received. The child of revolution, her Government could not disclaim revolution; passionately enamoured of liberty, her people could never regard with indifference a people who had drawn the sword in defence of freedom. This had uniformly been her policy: she had never intervened in any instance to put down XXIV. 1830. CHAP. free institutions in any country in the world; happy would it have been for her if she had never intervened on the other side, to lend her countenance and aid to the cause of revolution. The Duke of Wellington had very recently, in the case of Portugal, given proof at once of his determination to shield the allies of England. from external aggression, and to abstain from any interference with their internal dissensions. The very first step of Louis Philippe, accordingly, was to despatch General Baudrand on a special mission to the Court of London, in order to obtain a recognition of his crown by the King of Great Britain. He made the journey in two days, and was enthusiastically received in passing along the road to London. In a private audience of the Duke of Wellington, he was assured by that statesman, “that England had had no share in the administration of Prince Polignac; that the throne of Charles X. had fallen from his own acts; that Great Britain, without waiting the answers of the powers with whom England was allied by the treaties of 1815, would at once recognise the King of the French, and would, if necessary, explain the events of Paris to the other powers of Europe, to whom they might be an object of suspicion and alarm." A few days afterwards, General Baudrand was formally Ann. Reg. admitted as the envoy of the King of the French by William IV., from whom he received the most gracious reception.1 1 Cap. ii. 459, 461; 1830, 128, 129. 48 which he is nental sove reigns. But although Louis Philippe was thus early and forManner in mally recognised by the nearest neighbour and most received by powerful ally or enemy of France, yet a more doubtful the Conti and difficult task remained to procure a similar recognition from the Continental sovereigns. The great point was, to obtain a recognition from the Emperor of Russia, as there could be little doubt that, if that was once obtained, the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin would soon follow the example of that set by the court of St Petersburg. The King of the French, accordingly, early despatched a XXIV. 1830. long and very able letter to the Emperor Nicholas, which CHAP. is a valuable historical document, as containing the most authentic and best statement of the reasons which induced him to accept the crown.* General Athalin was despatched to St Petersburg with it; but before he arrived the way had been prepared by the secret despatches of Pozzo di Borgo from Paris, who gave the most favourable account of the conservative disposition and determined acts of Louis Philippe-the last barrier against the flood of democracy which threatened to deluge Europe. The French envoy accordingly met with a cordial reception at St Petersburg; and though the Emperor avoided any express recognition of the revolutionary principle of the right of the people to change their governors, yet he accepted Louis Philippe as a necessary compromise, and the best thing which, under existing circumstances, could be admitted. His autograph letter left no room for doubt that, as long as the French monarch persevered in a conservative course, he would meet with the 469, 471. support of the Continental sovereigns.1+ "Monsieur mon Frère,-J'annonce mon avènement à la couronne à votre Majesté Impériale, par la lettre que le Général Athalin lui apportera en mon nom; mais, j'ai besoin de lui parler avec une entière confiance sur les suites d'une catastrophe que j'aurais tant voulu prévenir. Il y a longtemps que je regrettais que le roi Charles X. et son gouvernement ne suivissent pas une marche mieux faite pour répondre à l'attente et au vœu de la nation. J'étais bien loin pourtant de prévenir les suites prodigieuses des évènemens qui viennent de se passer; et je croyais même qu'à défaut de cette allure franche et loyale dans l'esprit de la charte et de nos institutions, qu'il était impossible d'obtenir, il aurait suffi d'un peu de prudence et de modération pour que le gouvernement pût aller longtemps comme il allait. Mais depuis le 8 Août 1829, la nouvelle composition du ministère m'avait fort alarmé. . . . . C'est dans cette situation, sire, que tous les yeux se sont tournés vers moi; les vainqueurs eux-mêmes m'ont cru nécessaire à leur salut. Je l'étais plus, peut-être, pour que les vainqueurs ne laissassent pas dégénérer la victoire. J'ai donc accepté cette tâche noble et pénible, et j'ai écarté toutes les considérations personnelles qui se réunissent pour me faire désirer d'en étre dispensé, parceque j'ai senti que la moindre hésitation de ma part pourrait compromettre l'avenir de la France, et le repos de tous nos voisins."-LOUIS PHILIPPE à l'Empereur NICHOLAS, Aug. 10, 1830; CAPEFIGUE, vol. ii. pp. 456, 457. † “J'ai reçu, des mains du Général Athalin, la lettre dont il a été porteur. Des évènemens à jamais déplorables ont placé votre Majesté dans une cruelle alternative. Elle a pris une détermination qui lui a paru la seule propre à sauver la France des plus grandes calamités, et je ne prononcerai pas sur les 1 Cap. ii. CHAP. 1830. 49. nition by : Ere this decisive recognition had taken place at the court of St Petersburg, General Belliard, who was despatched to Vienna, had met with a more amicable recepHis recog- tion than could have been anticipated from the Austrian the cabinet cabinet. Prince Metternich, who ruled it, was as well of Vienna, aware as any man of the necessity of bending to circumstances, and not insisting for the full carrying out of a principle when a compromise had become alone practicable. He received the French envoy, accordingly, with these words "The Emperor Francis II., so honourable a man, has already manifested his supreme disdain for the breach of faith on the part of Charles X., and he is prepared to recognise the new Government which France has adopted. What sympathy can Austria feel for that elder branch, which has thrice compromised the peace of Europe by its faults and follies? All that she desires of France is respect for existing treaties, the maintenance of engagements, and especially the suppression of that strange 463, 461. spirit of propagandism which the revolutionary faction may spread over Europe by the hands of M. de Lafayette.' 1 Cap. ii. 50. And by Prussia. It was sufficiently plain, from this ready recognition at the court of Vienna, which exceeded the most sanguine hopes of the partisans of Louis Philippe, that its cabinet was no stranger to the secret negotiations which had been going on between the ministers of Charles X. and those of the Emperor Nicholas for the resumption. of the frontier of the Rhine by France, in return for its acquiescence in the designs of Russia against Constantinople. The same knowledge extended to the cabinet of considérations qui ont guidé votre Majesté; mais je forme des vœux pour que la Providence divine veuille bénir les intentions et les efforts qu'elle va faire pour le bonheur du peuple Français. De concert avec mes alliés, je me plais à accueillir le désir que votre Majesté a exprimé d'entretenir des relations de paix et d'amitié avec tous les états de l'Europe, tant qu'elles seront basées sur les traités existans, et sur la ferme volonté de respecter les droits et les obligations, ainsi que l'état de possession territoriale qu'ils ont consacrés. L'Europe y trouvera une garantie de la paix si nécessaire au repos de la France elle même. Appelé, conjointement avec mes alliés, à cultiver avec la France, sous son gouvernement, ces relations conservatives, j'y apporterai, de ma part, toute la sollicitude qu'elles réclament."-CAPEFIGUE, vol. ii. p. 471. |