XXV. 1831. CHAP. from what had occurred, that they soon came not only to affect general opinion over Europe, but materially to influence the views of the London Conference. After mature deliberation, the ambassadors of the five powers presented to the Kings of Holland and Belgium a project of a treaty for the separation of the two states, which they described in the accompanying letter as "final and irrevocable;" but containing terms far more favourable to Holland than the former one of eighteen articles, which had been rejected. By this proposed treaty, the grand-duchy of Luxembourg was to be divided between the two powers, but with the fortress of Luxembourg belonging to the King of Holland, as grand-duke of that duchy, he receiving a portion of Limburg in indemnity for the part ceded; the district of Maestricht was also partitioned, but with the fortress of that name remaining to Holland; and the common debt of the kingdom of the Netherlands was to be apportioned on the footing of 8,400,000 florins to be annually paid by the Belgians, and 5,050,000 to be provided for by the Dutch government. This treaty was not implicitly Hist. xiv. adopted by either of the states concerned; fresh negotiations took place, and a memorable siege ensued, to be 185, 186. recounted in the next volume, before the rival pretensions of Holland and Belgium were finally adjusted.1 1 Treaty, Oct. 13, 1831; Ann. 145, 150; Louis Blanc, ii. 76. If the effects of the new-born alliance of the liberal governments of France and England were proclaimed to tion of the the world in the affairs of Flanders in this year, they Forcible interven French at Lisbon. were not less clearly evinced in an event which took place, inconsiderable in itself, but very significant of accomplished change, at the mouth of the Tagus. Some French subjects had grounds of complaint against the government at Lisbon, and some abusive articles had appeared in the Portuguese newspapers against the French monarch. These grievances, which would have been the fit subject of pacific remonstrance and negotiation, were taken up by the Cabinet of Louis Philippe as the subject of national XXV. 1831. quarrel; and they resolved to demand reparation at the CHAP. cannon's mouth. It was indispensable, however, to obtain the assent of the British government to any armed intervention in the Tagus; but this was without difficulty obtained, the English government and people being so completely absorbed in the Reform contest, that foreign affairs, even when of the most pressing kind, and touching on the most interesting recollections, excited scarcely any attention. The consent of the British cabinet to the hostile demonstration being thus obtained, the French government fitted out a fleet of six ships of the line and three frigates, under the command of Admiral Roussin, xiv. 552, which forthwith set sail, and arrived on the 8th July at v.226, 227. the mouth of the Tagus.1 1 Ann. Hist. 555; Cap. 77. of the Por vernment. The first step of Admiral Roussin was to send a flag of truce ashore, with a statement of his demands, which The French compel the were, the dismissal of the captain of the Portuguese submission frigate which had captured a French packet-boat, the St tuguese goHelena; a compensation in money for several proprietors July 11. who had suffered during the blockade of Terceira by the Royalist fleet; and the dismissal of all the magistrates, who were said to have violated the privileges of French subjects. These terms not having been complied with, the French squadron entered the Tagus, passed, without sustaining almost any damage, the batteries of Fort Belem, on which the vessels, in moving up, opened a heavy fire, and, continuing their victorious course, anchored abreast of the royal palace. Nothing now remained to the Portuguese government but submission. The conditions, so far as the individuals claiming damages were concerned, were at once complied with, and any questions of a general nature referred to the Conference at London; but the Portuguese fleet was carried off in triumph to Brest. This vigorous demonstration was not of any very material importance in itself; but it assumed great magnitude from the indication it afforded of the entire change in the policy of Great Britain, which the acces VOL. IV. 20 XXV. 1831. CHAP. sion of the Whig party to power had occasioned. Don Miguel had appealed to the British government for protection, when the attack was impending, and been refused. Europe was confounded at beholding England calmly abandoning its ancient ally to the hostile attacks of its former rival; and although the English people, engrossed with the Reform struggle, and incapable of taking in more 557; Ann. than one idea at a time, paid little attention to the sub445, 446; ject, there were many thoughtful persons in England who 230; Louis concurred in the mournful words of the Duke of Welling395, 397. ton, in the House of Peers, "that it went to his heart to see the French dictate peace under the walls of Lisbon."1 1 Ann. Hist. xiv. 554, Reg. 1831, Cap. v. 228, Blanc, ii. 78. excitement in Paris from these events. Although these vigorous demonstrations of French Vehement power in Flanders and in the Tagus went far to restore the credit of France in the eyes of foreign nations, and beyond all question saved the ministry of Casimir Périer from the shipwreck with which it was threatened at the very commencement of the session, yet in the end they rather increased than lessened the difficulties of Government. The enthusiasm of the people at these successful foreign interventions became speedily such that it was altogether ungovernable. The spirit of propagandism into which democratic fervour, when successful, invariably runs, became so violent that nothing within the power of Government could satisfy it. The Parisian journals would gladly have faced the hostility of the whole world for the spread of their principles. They loudly demanded the immediate march of one army into Italy, to excite the Italian patriots; another into Belgium, to support the cause of insurrection in Flanders; and a third into Germany, to make its way through the three hundred thousand armed men of the Confederation to the shores of the Vistula, and lend its aid to the heroic and labouring Poles. Secure of the support, or at least the forbearance, of England, they felt confident against the world in arms. Such was the excitement produced by these events, that for XXV. 1831. three weeks they exclusively occupied the attention of CHAP. the Chamber, to the entire stoppage of all other business. The danger of the crisis, and the difficulties of the Government, will be best appreciated by recapitulating what, 1Ann. Hist. in a thousand different forms, and with the utmost vio- 286. lence of language, was advanced on either side.1 xiv. 271, 79. They Argument by The debates began in the Chamber on the 9th August, and lasted, without intermission, for three weeks. elicited on both sides the whole oratorical talent of France, and were characterised from the very first uncommon violence of language. "We accuse you," said M. Bignon, General Lamarque, Marshal Clausel, and M. Mauguin," of having compromised the interest of France, which lies in its honour, and the interests of humanity, which are centred in the greatness of France. Recollect what we were a year ago, and reflect on what we now are. How vast was the prestige with which we were then surrounded! In the midst of nations astounded, and kings struck with terror, we had grasped again, and for far nobler purposes than he wielded it, the sceptre of Napoleon. Never was situation so dazzling as ours then was, and we had no need to disturb the world to attain our object, for it lay at our mercy. Now, what can we do? what influence do we possess in Europe? To know how to assist when you are strong is the mark of a wise moderation; but to tolerate injustice when you are strong, is the distinctive mark of pusillanimity. Look around you, and see what you have permitted! In Italy the Austrians trampling a noble people under foot, without any other title than that of the strongest; the Conference in London cutting asunder nationalities, without regard either to traditions, interests, or affections, at the dictation of four kings; the Russians proceeding to exterminate a generous people-to punish them for having found their tyranny intolerable. These are your works. This you have permitted, in this you have concurred. Everywhere around you you have allowed the rude of the Opposition on foreign affairs. CHAP. empire of force to be re-established, to our eternal disXXV. grace, and the not less durable misfortune of those who loved us, who relied on our support, and who were betrayed. 1831. 80. "Boast not of your interventions; they are not so many Continued. titles of honour, but badges of servitude. You have demanded the retirement of the Austrians from Italy in March, and when did you obtain it? In July, when their work was done, the patriots dispersed and destroyed, your own influence in the peninsula lost. You have intervened in Belgium, and in what character, and at whose dictation? Not as the apostles of freedom, not as the pioneers of civilisation, but as the gendarmerie of the Holy Alliance, to carry into execution the dictates of the London Conference, to place the sovereign of England's choice on the throne of Flanders. You might have had that beautiful country as you might have had the fields of Lombardy, and its inhabitants panted for a reunion with you, but you rejected their advances for fear of giving umbrage to England! Umbrage to England! It was not thus that our fathers felt there was no terror of England then. If these are the fruits of the English alliance, better, far better, to brave at once its hostility. There is little cause for congratulation on the expedition to Lisbon, how honourable soever to those engaged in it. We went there, not of our own free will, but by the license of England, to avenge her causes of complaint more than our own,--to displace a sovereign whom she deems it for her interest not to recognise. Such is the degradation to which we have been brought by the English alliance and the policy of Ministers, that the cabinet of St James's has no longer any need to get out fleets or armies of its own to avenge its wrongs or carry into execution its decisions; it has only to issue its mandates from London, and the fleets and armies of France become the instruments of its vengeance-the ministers of its will. |