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from baronies to counties, till at length the greater part of the province was engaged.

* The 'many-headed monster being now roufed, did not know where to stop, but began a general redrefs of grievances, whecher real or imaginary. Their first object was the overseers of roads ; the second the clergy, whom they resolved to curtail of their perfonal and mixed tithes; the third was the landlords, the price of whose lands, particularly of turf bogs, they set about regulating. They had several inferior objects, all which only discovered the frenzy of insurrection.

• In the mean time, the army was collected from the other provinces; for till then, the province of Ulfter was deemed so peaceful, that scarcely any troops were quartered in it. The rabble fled as foon as fired upon; and thus was this tumult quelled for the time, in five or fix weeks after its commencement, with the loss of only two or three lives. In the next selfion, parliament took the matter into consideration, and very wisely repealed the old Road Ad, and provided for the future repair of the roads by levying an equal tax off the lands of both poor and rich. The cause of discontent being thus happily removed, peace and quiet have returned to their old channels.'

The insurrection of the Steel-boys was temporary likewise, and as speedily suppressed as the former, though by different means. The occafion of it was this :

* An absentee nobleman, who enjoys one of the largest effaces in this kingdom, infead of letting it, when out of lease, which it happened to be altogether about five or fix years ago, --for the higheft rent, which is the usual way in Ireland, adopted a new mode, of taking large fines and small rents. It is afferted, that those fines amounted to fuch a fum, that the want of the usual circulating.cah, carried away to England, severely affected the linen markets of that country. But, be this as it may, the occupier of the ground, though willing to give the highest rent, was unable to pay the fines, and therefore dispossessed by the wealthy undertaker; who, not contented with moderate interest for his money, racked the rents to a pitch above the reach of the old tenant,

* Upon this, the people rose against the foreftallers, destroying their houses, and maiming their cattle which now occupied their quondam farms. When thus driven to acts of defperation, they knew not how to confine themselves to their original object, but became, like the Hearts of Oak, general reformers. The army however easily disperfed them, and two or three, who were made prisoners, having suffered by the hands of the executioner, the country was soon restored to its pristine tranquility.

• Both these insurrections being in the North, the most opulent, populous, and civilized part of the kingdom, we may observe they have no fimilitude to that of the White-boys, in the South, either in their causes or effects, except in the general idea of oppression. The cause which generated the one being removed, and the cause of the other being only temporary, the duration of neither was long. The rise and fall of each was like that of a mountain river, which, Iwelled

by

by a broken cloud, at once overwhelms all around, and then shrinks down as suddenly into its accustomed bed.'

But in the South, the Author observes, White-boyism will still probably remain, in defiance of all legislative severities, how ftrictly foever executed; as the cause is permanent, and the sufferers fee no appearance of redress.- Deprived of their right of ' commonage, driven from the good grounds, obliged to pay . five or six guineas for an acre to set their potatoes in, and

having no resources from manufactures, as in the North, they become constant enemies to the state; the fate not being their friend, nor the state's law.'-It has been urged indeed that fanaticism in the North, and superstition in the South, were the original sources of these evils: but if, the Author observes, the majority of the insurgents in the North were presbyterians, and of those who rose in the South were papists, it is, because the body of the poor in these places are of those persuasions.

In some of the subsequent letters, the Author discusses a subject of still greater magnitude; and endeavours to Thew that an union, or a compleat incorporation of Great Britain and Ireland, with a perfect community of privileges, would be in the highest degree advantageous to both countries. But we must here take leave of our intelligent traveller, and refer our readers to the work itself; where they will meet with much curious informa'tion, on a variety of subjects.

HA

Arr. V. A Treatise on the Situation, Manners, and Inhabitants of

Germany: and the Life of Agricola. By C. Cornelius Tacitus; translated into English, by John Aikin: with copious Notes, and a Map of Antient Germany. Warrington, printed for Johnfon, London. 8vo. 45. bound. 1778.

AVING formerly expressed our idea of Mr. Aikin's

merit as a translator, it is now neceffary to affure our readers, that we find our opinion of his ability, in this fpecies of writing, confirmed, both by his judicious corrections of his former piece (which is here reprinted without the original) and by the correct version which he has given of the book De moribus Germanorum. Perfectly agreeing with him in thinking that it is the first duty of a translator to reflect his author's meaning with clearness and precision, we judge his work entitled to great commendation, for the closeness and accuracy with which it has followed the expression as well as the ideas of the original, without the least approach towards inelegance.

The great value and authority of the original treatise, are sufficiently manifest by the use which some of the most eminent modern writers, particularly Montesquieu, have made of it. It has indeed always been reckoned one of the most precious relics of the political or historical writings of antiquity; and (as the

translator

translator justly remarks) has been rendered more important to modern times than was probably expected by its Author, who could scarcely foresee that the government, policy, and manners of the most civilized parts of the globe, were to originate from the woods and deserts of Germany. Valuable however as the work is, the concise manner in which it is written, gives it in many parts a degree of obscurity, which renders a faithful translation of this piece with judicious notes, particularly desirable : And both these, we can with confidence assure our Readers, they may find in the present publication. The following extract will, we apprehend, justify this encomium.

• In the election of kings they have regard to birth; in that of military commanders*, to valour. Their kings have not an abfolute or unlimited power † ; and their generals command less through the force of authority, than of example. If they are daring, adventurous, and conspicuous in action, they procure obedience from the admiration they inspire. None, however, but the priests I are permitted to chastize delinquents, to inflict bonds or ftripes; that it may appear not as a punishment, or in consequence of the general's order, but as the instigation of the god whom they suppose present with warriors. They also carry with them to battle, images and standards taken from the sacred groves $. It is a principal incentive to their courage, that their

* Vertot (Mem. de l' Acad. des Infcrip.) fuppofes that the French Maires du Palais had their origin from these German military leaders. If the kings were equally conspicuous for valour as for birth, they united the regal with the military command. Generally, however, several kings and generals were assembled in their wars. In this case the most eminent commanded, and obtained a common jurisdiction in war, which did not subsist in time of peace. Thus Cæsar (Bell. Gall. VI.) says, “ In peace they have no common magiftracy.” A general was elected by placing him on a fhield, and lifting him on the shoulders of the by-standers. The same ceremonial was observed in the election of kings.

+ Hence Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, declared that "the nature of his authority was such, that the people had no less power over him, than he over the people.” Cæsar Bell. Gall. V. The authority of the North American Chiefs is almost exactly similar.

The power of life and death, however, was in the hands of magiftrates. Thus Cæsar; “ When a state engages either in an offenfive or defensive war, magistrates are chosen to preside over it, and exercise power of life and death.” Bell. Gall. VI. The infliction of punishments was committed to the priests, in order to give them more solemnity, and render them less invidious.

$ This was in order further to enforce the same idea of a divine presence. The images were of wild beasts, the types and enligns of their national religion (see Tacitus's Hift. IV. 22.): the standards were such as had been taken from the enemy, and were hung up in their groves to the deity of the place.

{quadrons squadrons and battalions are not formed by men fortuitously col. lected, but by the assemblage of families and clans. Near them are ranged the deareft pledges of their affection; so that they have within hearing the yells of their women, and the cries of their children. Thefe, too, are the most respected witnesses, the most liberal applauders, of the conduct of each. To their mothers and wives they bring their wounds; and these are not shocked at counting, and even requiring * them. They also carry

food and encouragement + to those who are engaged. « Tradition relates, that armies beginning to give way have been brought again to the charge by the women, through the earneftness of their entreaties, the opposition of their bodies I, and the pictures they have drawn of imminent flavery S; a calamity which these people bear with more impatience on their women's account than their own; so that those states who have been obliged to give among their hostages the daughters of noble families, are the most effectually engaged to fidelity They even suppose somewhat of sanctity and prescience to be inherent in the female sex; and therefore neither despise their counsels ,

J. A.

• Instead of the Latin word answering to this, exigere, some read exfugere, to suck the wounds." This, however, is an unauthorized reading, and less in the manner of the author. The word “ require ing” strongly expreffes the favage fortitude of the German women, who would even receive their husbands and children with reproaches, if they left the field unwounded.

+ Cibes & hortamina : Food and encouragement”-one of the points, frequently to be met with in Tacitus, like the “ mountains and mutual dread” in the first sentence of this treatise. Some annotators, not entering into this mark of character in the historian's style, have interpreted hortamina “ refreshments"; and as food was before related, have supposed it to mean wine or ale.

They not only interposed to prevent the flight of their husbands and fons; but, in desperate emergencies, themselves engaged in battle. This bappened on Marius's defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be mentioned); and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armour were found among the slain.

§ Thus, in the army of Arioviftus, the women, with their hair disheveled, and weeping, besought the soldiers not to deliver chem captives to the Romans. Cæsar Bell. Gall. I.

Relative to this, perhaps, is a circumstance mentioned by Sue. tonius in his life of Auguftus. “ From some nations he attempted to exact a new kind of hostages, women; because he observed that those of the male sex were disregarded.” Aug. XXI.

|| See the same observation with regard to the Celtic women, in Plutarch on the viriues of women. The North Americans pay a similar regard to their females, 4

nor

nor disregard their responses *. We have beheld, in the reign of Vespasian, Veleda + long reverenced by many as a deity. They formerly also venerated Aurinia, and several others; but without adulation, or as if they intended to make them goddesses t.'

Mr. Aikin acknowledges himself indebted to M. Brotier for the notes on both treatises, except those to which his own fignature is annexed. These notes are selected with judgment and tafte, and make a large and valuable part of the work. A remarkable inftance of this is given by Cæfar.

" When he inquired of the captives the reason why Arioviftus did not engage, he learned, that it was because the matrons, who among the Germans are accustomed to pronounce, from their divinations, whether or no a battle will be favourable, had declared that they would not prove victorious, if they should fight before the new moon." Bell. Gall. I. The cruel manner in which the Cimbrian women performed their divinations, is thus related by Strabo. " The women who follow the

war, are accompanied by grey-haired propheteffes, in white vestments, with canvass mantles fastened by clalps, a brazen girdle, and naked feet. These go wi:h drawn swords through the camp, and Atriking down those of the prisoners they meet, drag them to a brazen kettle, holding about twenty amphoræ. This bas a kind of kage above it, ascending on wbich, the priestess cuts the ghroat of the viâim, and from the manner in which the blood flows into the vessel, judges of the future event. Others tear open the bodies of the captives thus butchered, and from inspection of the entrails, presage victory to their own party.Lib. VII.

† She was afterwards taken prisoner by Rutilius Gallicus. Statius in his Sylve, I. 4. refers to this event. Tacitus has more concerning her in his History, IV. 61.

Because at that period, the superstition which made deities of them, did not prevail. Thus Tacitus in his account of Veleda “ according to the antient custom of the Germans, which attributed a prophetic character to many of their women, and, as fuperftition advanced, regarded them as divinities." HiA. IV. 61. They were afterwards fo immoderately addi&ted to this opinion, that, among the monuments of German antiquity, altars and inscriptions occur, to the matrons of the Suevi, Treveri, Aufani, &c. Art. VI. Descriptions of some of the Utensils in Husbandry, Rolling

carriages, Cart-rollers, &c. divided for Land or Gardens, Mills,
Weighing Engines, &c. &c. made and sold by James Sharp,
No. 15. Leadenhall Street, London ; which may be seen at his
Manufactory, No. 133, Tooly Street, Southwark. 4to. 25,
White, &c. 1778.
HIS is what the French would call a catalogue raisonée

of the implements of husbandry made by Mr. Sharp. It may in English be called a Descriptive Catalogue; but it differs from all other catalogues we have seen, by giving prints of the machines it describes. All that falls to our province is to exhibit a list of the utensils, in the order of the plates; for it is Rev. Jan. 1779.

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