Phonological Projection: A Theory of Feature Content and Prosodic Structure

Voorkant
Walter de Gruyter, 11 jul 2011 - 406 pagina's

The architecture of the human language faculty has been one of the main foci of the linguistic research of the last half century. This branch of linguistics, broadly known as Generative Grammar, is concerned with the formulation of explanatory formal accounts of linguistic phenomena with the ulterior goal of gaining insight into the properties of the 'language organ'. The series comprises high quality monographs and collected volumes that address such issues. The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure, from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon.

 

Inhoudsopgave

215 Conclusion
203
3 Previous analyses of uschwa
205
31 Reduction Theory
206
32 Epenthesis Theory
208
33 NoSyllable Theory
209
4 Remaining problems
218
42 Superheavy syllables before schwa
220
43 Postlexical uschwa
221

3 Data
23
41 Chapter 2
24
43 Chapter 4
25
45 Chapter 6
26
47 Chapter 8
27
2 Vowel quality and rhyme structure in Dutch
29
2 The Dutch vowel system
30
The case of Dutch
32
32 The arguments against length
36
4 A theory based on the feature lax
44
5 lax and syllable structure in vowel harmony
46
51 Tenseness and branchingness in Dutch
53
52 Formalization in Optimality Theory
54
6 Some more arguments for the length of Avowels
56
62 Minimality requires branching
57
63 Avowels form the domain of tonal contour in Limburg Dutch
58
7 Richness of the base
60
8 Conclusion
63
Historical overview
64
91 Dutch structuralism
65
92 Pregenerative literature
67
93 Early generative grammar
70
94 Bisegmental analyses in generative phonology
71
3 Tilburg Dutch and Standard Dutch vowel length
77
11 Diphthongs
78
12 Ambisyllabicity
83
13 rlengthening
85
14 The phonetic nature of the tensing feature
89
15 Extrasyllabicity and catalexis
94
Tilburg Dutch
101
21 The vowel system
102
22 Why only lax vowels can be long
107
23 Vowel shortening
108
24 Analysis
113
25 Long vowels in other Brabant dialects
122
26 The limited distribution of long vowels
123
27 Conclusion
125
4 Conclusion
129
4 Derived schwa in Dutch
131
2 Properties of rschwa
135
21 Wordinitial position
138
22 Wordfinal position
141
23 Vowel quality
144
24 Stress
147
25 Closed syllables
151
26 Style registers
152
3 Properties of eschwa
155
32 Eschwa does not occur at the end of the word
160
33 Eschwa only occurs in the last syllable of the word
161
34 Wordinternal contexts in which eschwa does not occur
163
35 Style registers
166
5 Dutch Uschwa
169
2 Properties of uschwa
170
22 Uschwa does not occur wordinitially
171
23 Some other segmental effects
173
24 The onset of schwasyllables
175
25 The coda of schwaheaded syllables
177
26 Degenerate and schwaheaded syllables
183
27 Obligatory versus optional epenthesis
186
28 Again on complex onsets
187
29 Schwa surrounded by identical consonants
192
210 Schwa after ng
193
211 Uschwa and stress
195
212 Adjacency between schwa and full vowels
197
213 Complementary distribution of uschwa and eschwa
199
214 Schwadeletion
200
44 Umlaut
223
5 Conclusion
226
6 Table of properties
227
6 Schwa in French and Norwegian
229
2 French
230
21 Eschwa is the epenthetic vowel
232
22 Eschwa does not occur at the end of the word
234
23 Uschwa must occur in an open syllable
237
24 Laxing in the head of a foot
240
25 Uschwa does not occur at the beginning of the word
246
26 Consonant clusters before schwa cannot be possible complex onsets
247
27 Schwa is stressless
248
28 Schwa cannot occur next to a vowel
249
29 Schwa deletion
252
210 A parameter
256
211 Conclusion plus a note on learnability
259
3 Norwegian
261
31 Schwa is the epenthetic vowel
262
32 Epenthetic schwa does not occur at the end of the word
263
33 Schwa must occur in an open syllable
264
34 Schwa does not occur at the beginning of the word
266
35 Consonant clusters before schwa cannot be possible complex onsets
267
36 Alternation with degenerate syllables
270
37 Conclusion and another note on learnability
271
4 Conclusion
272
7 A vowelglide alternation in Rotterdam Dutch
273
2 The second person clitic
278
21 Hiatus
280
22 Hiatus after high vowels
283
23 After coronal stops
286
24 Third person singular clitic
297
3 The diminutive suffix
298
4 Sieverss Law
304
5 Other issues
308
52 Lexical forms
310
53 The underlying form of 2S is not i
314
54 High vowel followed by schwa
316
6 Conclusion
319
8 The projection constraint family
321
2 Projection and weakness
322
3 The foot level
326
4 The N level
331
5 The rhyme
332
6 Nuclear level
333
7 Features
335
8 Constraints conflicting with projection and weakness
337
9 Conclusion
338
Appendices
341
12 Foot wellformedness
343
13 Word wellformedness
345
2 Autosegmental representations
347
3 Feature cooccurrence and licensing
349
5 Constraints against unnecessary structure
350
6 Ad hoc constraint
351
B Arguments for ranking
353
2 Topology of the Dutch postlexical phonology
357
C Ranking schemes
359
1 Topology of the Standard Dutch lexicon
360
2 Topology of the Standard Dutch postlexical phonology
361
3 Topology of the French phonology
362
4 Topology of the Rotterdam Dutch phonology
363
References
365
Language index
391
Subject index
393
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