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not present so imposing a front to the vulgar, but to A COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF DUTIES ON the most important articles as imposed by the acts of the engineer and the man of science, it has an air 1816, 1824, 1828, 1832, and by the law recently passed, 1842. of grandeur and sublimity, arising from the vastness of its design and the justness of its proportions.The main trunk is 40 miles in length, wholly composed of masonry, 6 feet wide, and 9 feet high.-The walls are 3 feet thick, cemented into solid rock. The grand reservoir at the head of the aqueduct is caused by a dam of stone work 40 feet high and 70 broad, thrown across the Croton river, forming an expanse of water 500 acres in extent, sufficient to supply any emergency.

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The trunk is carried over valleys and streams, through hills and barriers of solid rock, affording opportunities to the engineer for the display of skill and taste, which has been improved with very happy effect. For instance, the bridge which crosses the Sing Sing creek is a single eliptical arch of 80 feet span, and 100 feet above the stream. The bridge across Harlem river is 1,300 feet in length, 116 feet above high water, and cost nearly $800,000. Sleepy Hollow is also spanned by a series of graceful arches, and the valley of Clendenning is passed at an elevation of 40 feet, affording carriageways and footpaths over its arches. At Manhattanville the work is carried through the hill by a tunnel, and under the valley by pipes descending 105 feet. This mode of crossing valleys, it is believed, the Romans never attempted, but carried the stream at a pitch of from one inch to half a foot to the hundred feet, and where the force of the current was too great, it was overcome by curves.

The water, thus conducted 38 miles, is received into the reservoir at Yorkville, which contains an area of 35 acres, enclosed by granite walls and capable of receiving 160 millions of gallons. The distributing reservoir at Murray's Hill is also a work of great magnitude and expense, and calculated to endure as long as the hills and rocks. It is in the Egyptian style of architecture, with a promenade 20 feet in width at the top of the walls, flagged, and provided with an iron railing. It employed 400 men four years in its construction. Altogether, it is a triumph of skill and enterprise of which the world presents few equals. Its completion will require two or three years yet, although temporary pipes are laid, by which water was distributed to the city on the 4th July last. Its advantages to the city in the extinguishment of fires alone are incalculable. In the great conflagration of 1835 the amount of property destroyed was estimated at seventeen millions of dollars, one-third more than the cost of this work; the extent of which was in a great degree attributable to the want of a convenient supply of water. The fire department, appreciating the great importance of the work on this score, have set apart a glorious day in our country's annals for an appropriate celebration. We hope no storm could may be so overcome on the occasion as to shed its tears upon the scene. [N. Y. State Mechanic.

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Flannels, bookings, and baizes
Carpeting, Brussels, &c.
Carpeting, Venitian, &c.
Carpeting, floor cloth, patent,
Oil cloth furniture,
Cotton bagging,
Vinegar,
Beer in casks,
Beer in bottles,
Oil, fish, &c.
Oil, olive,
Oil, castor,
Oil, linseed,
Oil, rapeseed,
Sugar, brown,
Sugar, white clayed,
Sugar, loaf,
Sugar, candy,

Sugar, lump and other refined,
Sugar, sirup,
Chocolate,
Cheese,
Tallow candles,
Lard,
Beef and pork,
Bacon,
Butter,
Saltpetre, refined,
Oil of vitriol,
Dry Ochre,
Ochre in oil,

Red and white lead,
Whiting,
Litharge,
Sugar of lead,
Lead, pig, &c.
Lead pipes,
Lead, old scrap,
Cordage, tarred,
Cordage, untarred,
Twine, packthread, &c.
Corks,

Copper rods and bolts,
Copper nails and spikes,
Wire, cap or bonnet,

Wire, iron and steel, not above No. 14
Wire, iron and steel, above No. 14.
Iron nails, .
Iron spikes,

Iron cables and chains and parts,
Iron anchors,

Iron, blacksmiths' hammers, &c.
Iron castings, vessels, &c.
Iron, all other,.

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Iron, round and braziers' rods, 3-16 to 9-16 diameter,
Iron, nail or spike rods,
Iron, sheet or hoop,

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1842.

Window glass not over 8 by 10, per 100,

No.

250

300

300

300

250

10 by 12.

100 sq. ft.

275

350

350

350

250

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4 to 500

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600

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THE NEW TARIFF. As the new tariff on im ports into the United States becomes carefully examined by practical men, it meets with decided approval by the various classes of merchants, agriculturists, manufacturers and mechanics. All find their respective interests carefully looked to in this well digested bill, and we are confident that it will be found more generally satisfactory than the tariff of 1832. While the duties by the new tariff on the many articles, are more moderate than they were by the former, they are sufficiently protective to the manufacturer. But very few duties will be found prohibitory, and those on such articles as coarse cottons, which are manufactured in the United States in great abundance and cheapness. Articles of luxury, such as wine, liquors, spices, silks, carpetings, mirrors, &c., are, as they should be, taxed with high duties. We are well pleased to observe that the committee of ways and means, who concocted and reported this bill have had a particular eye to revenue throughout, and we may anticipate from the operation of this tariff, an abundant supply of means for all of the wants of the treasury, notwithstanding the predictions of sundry wise-acres, who endeavor to show the contrary in the free trade newspapers The high tariff of 1828 produced a revenue in 1829 of $22,681,966, and under the tariff of 1832, $29,032,509, were paid into the treasury. If the net amount of articles imported paying duty should be seventyfive millions of dollars, the ensuing year, (ending September 3d, 1843,) we may estimate the average duties by the new tariff at 33 per cent. producing twenty-five millions to the treasury.

If the manufacturing interests are protected by the new-tariff, they are made to pay a boon to the treasury in the shape of light duties on articles used in manufactures, such as raw hides, wool iron, steel, paper rags, bleaching powders, hemp, flax, raw silk, hair, olive oil, indigo, mahogany, rose-wood, satinwood, cedar, copper, tin, zinc, lead, horns, bones, beeswax, &c. &c., on all of which the duties will amount to nearly two millions of dollars.

Comparative rates of duty under the tariff of 1832 and

Cotton manufactures, Brown or white cottons ( minimum per sq. yd.

Molasses,
Coffee,
Tea,

Sole leather,
Upper leather,
Raw hides and skins,
Indigo,
Brandy,

Madeira wine,
Champagne wine,
Flax,
Hemp,

Manilla hemp,
Wool, common,
Wool, fine,

15 120

RAPRAK A GGAA

40 p. c. 30 p. c. & 4 cts. & 3 cts. (50 p. c. 30 p. c. & 4 cts.

free, free, 6 cts. per lb. 8 cts. per lb. 5 per ct. 5 cts. per lb.

POLITICS OF THE DAY. LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT. In reply to an invitation on August 31st, on behalf of "the democratic republican committee of New York friendly to the national administration" to pay a visit to that city, President Tyler sent the following letter.

I

Washington, Sept. 5, 1842. GENTLEMEN: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 31st of August, inviting me on behalf of the democratic republican committee of New York friendly to the national administration, to pay a visit to your city as soon after the adjournment of congress as would suit my convenience. am flattered by the invitation, and still more by the language in which you have conveyed it to me, and under other circumstances I could scarcely find a sufficient apology for declining it; but repose, so much at least as I can snatch between the intervals of duty, has become necessary for me, and if I can leave this city, I shall most probably seek some spot of greater comparative retirement.

The duties and responsibilities to which I have been subjected since my accession to the presidential office, have as you most properly represent, 25 a 42 been of no ordinary character. They involved either a total abandonment of all my most thoroughly set10 tled and most warmly cherished opinions, or subjected me as has been manifested for twelve continuous

free. free. 30 per ct. 30 per ct.

free.

free.

free.

4 mills pr lb. 5 cts. gal. months, to the most slanderous imputations, and to the bitterest assaults. "A president without a party," could expect no less; and such must be the condition of every man who comes into this office upon the happening of any one of the contingencies provided for by the constitution, if he shall exercise an independent judgment. The alarming pretension, by fair inference, is now set up, and that too in the highest quarter, that all executive power is in abeyance, and its exercise an usurpation, in the contingency of the death of a person elected to the presidency, and the succession of an vice president, according to the positive requirement of the constitution, to that station. The establishment of such a principle, as well founded in reason, and consonant to the fundamental law, would amount to an abrogation of the principle which has been regarded as lying at the foundation of all well regulated government-that the three great departments should be kept separate and distinct. For if the vice president, who succeeds to the presidency on the death of the president is to be de nounced as an usurper, if he dare place his opinion on any subject in opposition to that of congress, what will be the fate of the president who, having not even a plurality electoral vote, may, nevertheless, be elected over another (his competitor before the house of representatives) having a larger vote, (and that, as well may be, by the casting vote of a member from a single state), and whose aggregate vote as represented in the house of representatives may be a decided minority of the American people?What is to become of our institutions should the president and vice president both die, and the government devolve upon a president pro tempore of the senate, elected by the people of the United States to no office, and who might not be able at the time,

15 per ct.
from 53 to 85
$1 pr gl. cts. per. gal.
60 cts. pr gal. 50 cts. gl.
40 cts. pr gal. 22 cts. gl.
$20 per tun free.
$40 per ton
$40 pr ton
$25 per ton
5 per ct.
3 cts. pr lb. 4 cts. pr lb.
& 30 pr ct. & 40 pr ct.
In connection with the subject we may as well ob-
serve here that nothing could be more unjust than
the sweeping censures which have been passed upon
We were observers
the details of the revenue bill.
of the whole action upon the revenue bill, which ul-,
timately became a law, and we aver, without fear of
contradiction from any quarter, that no bill ever
passed through a severer ordeal than this or receiv-
ed a more careful investigation. Days and nights
were spent upon it by the committess of congress,
and every means of information sought after which
could add light upon so dark a subject. The bill
may not be perfect in all its parts, or all that it
should be, or even satisfactory to all classes of per-
sons; but, without perfection, it is nevertheless a va-
luable and great measure, and one which will ac-
complish the two great purposes of giving revenue
to the government and protection to the people.
This was what was needed, and this is what has
been accomplished.

to obtain even the vote of his own state for the office of senator-and what if the speaker of the house of representatives, who upon the death of all others, EFFECTS OF THE TARIFF. The Pittsburg would have devolved upon him the presidential ofAdvocate of the 8th inst. says: "A decidedly better fice, and for whose re-election to a seat in congress, feeling exists in the business community since the not even his own district might be disposed to vote? passage of the tariff, and in Pittsburg manufactures If a vice president elected with direct reference to particularly, more business has been done than for the succession, in the full view of the uncertainty of some time past. We do not note any advance in the human life, is to be branded as an usurper for exernominal rates, but holders are more firm, and a ruin- cising executive power what shall be the condition ous decline has undoubtedly been prevented. of things in either of the conditions above supposed? "Cheese is plenty at 4 a 5 cents per lb. flour 3 per 1 have an abiding confidence in the good sense of the 25 per ct. barrel, wheat 50 cts per bushel. oats 12 a 14. rye 33 American people, and that teaches me to believe that a 35, bacon 4 a 43, hams 63 a 7. shoulders 31, mo- they will support their own government and that the lasses, the stock is light and holders firm at 20 a 30 person who by their constitution is, required to adcts. per gallon. The passage of the tariff bill has minister the government will be upheld by them in made wool firm at former rates and in better demand." the proper discharge of his duties, maugre all the assults and bitter revilings of faction.

30 cts.

1842, on some of the leading articles of commerce. New tariff 1842. Tariff 1832. 30 per ct. 20 cts. 40 per ct. 30 per ct. $2.50 per lb. 25 per ct. 20 per ct. $9 per ton $17 per ton $25 per ton 1 ct. per lb. $1.50

Woollen manufactures,

Worsted

do.

Silk

do.

Linen

do.

Hemp

do.

Iron, in pigs

do. in bars or bolts,

do. rolled,

do. common castings,

Steel, per 112lbs.

Steel & iron manufactures,

30 per ct.

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30 per ct.

Copper

do.

30 per ct.

Tin

do.

30 per ct.

Tin in sheets,

2 per ct.

Tin in blocks, or pigs,

1 per ct.

Brown sugar,

2 cts. pr lb.

50 per ct. 10 per ct. 10 per ct. 15& 25 pr ct. 25 per ct. $10 pr ton $18 pr ton $30 pr ton 1 ct pr lb. $1.50 25 per ct. 25 per ct. 25 per ct. 25 per ct.

free. free. 24 cts. lb.

For myself, if I perish in my efforts to maintain the supremecy of the constitution and laws, I desire to have no prouder inscription on my monument than that inscribed upon the tomb erected over the dust of the Spartans, who fell at Thermopyla; "stranger, tell the Lacedemonians that we lie here in obedience

THE TARIFF. The New Orleans Bee, referring to the tariff, the passage of which was not known although expected, holds this language: "Most truly and warmly do we congratulate the sugar planters of Louisiana on the prospect of a tariff, which will enable them to reap a substantial profit upon their outlay of capital, and secure to them so solid a remune- to their laws!" ration for their industry. We demonstrated some I tender to each of you, gentlemen, assurances of weeks since that the bill which has passed the house, my high consideration and respect, will augment the income of our sugar planters from $1,500 000 to $2 000,000, and place them beyond all apprehension of a recurrence of losses, such as have at the present juncture depressed, if not impoverished a majority of them,

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to the Secretary of State, admit that the British the impossibility of tracing strictly the boundary, CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE BRIT ministers disclaimed any intention of acquiring an precribed by the treaty of peace in 1783. I would increase of territory, and that they proposed the re- refer in proof of this, simply to American authorities vision for the purpose of preventing uncertainty and and those of the very first order.

ISH SPECIAL MISSION.

NORTHEASTERN AND NORTHWESTERN dispute-a purpose sufficiently justified by subse

BOUNDARY.

From the New York Courier and Enquirer.

LORD ASHBURTON TO MR. WEBSTER.

Washington, June 13, 1842.

quent events. Again, in their note of the 4th of
September, 1814, the British ministers remind those
from America that the boundary had never been as-
certained, and that the line claimed by America, which
interrupted the communication between Halifax and
Quebec, never could have been in the contemplation
of the parties to the treaty of peace in 1783. The
same view of the case will be found to pervade all
the communications between the plenipotentiaries
of the two countries at Ghent. There was no at-
tempt to press any cession of territory on the ground
of policy and expedience; but though the precise
geography of the country was then imperfectly
known, it was notorious at the time that different
opinions existed as to the boundary likely to result
from continuing the north line from the head of the
river St. Croix. This appears to have been so clear-
ly known and admitted by the American plenipoten-
tiaries, that they, in submitting to the conference the
project of a treaty, offer a preample to their fourth
article, in these words: "whereas neither that part of
the highlands lying due north from the source of the
river St. Croix, and designated in the former treaty of
peace between the two powers, as the northwest
angle of Nova Scotia, nor the northwesternmost
head of Connecticut river, has yet been ascertained,"
&c.

SIR:-On considering the most effectual mode of
proceeding to arrive at an amicable and satisfactory
termination of the long continued controversy respec-
ting the northeastern boundary, between the British
colony of New Brunswick and the State of Maine, I
believe that I may confidently conclude, from what
has passed in the preliminary conference which I
have had the honor of holding with you, that we
concur in the opinion that no advantage would be
gained by resorting to the interminable discussion on
the general ground on which each party consider
their claims respectfully to rest. In the course of
the many years that this discussion has lasted, every
argument, on either side, is apparently exhausted,
and that without any approach to an agreement.-
The present attempt, therefore, of a settlement must
rest, for its success, not on the renewal of a contro-
versy, but on proceeding on a presumption, that all
means of a reciprocal conviction having failed, as
also the experiment of calling in the aid of a friend-
ly arbiter and umpire, there remains only the alter-
native of a compromise for the solution of this, It should here be observed that these are the words
otherwise, apparently insurmountable difficulty, un- proposed not by the British but by the American ne-
less, indeed, it were determined to try a second arbi-gotiators, and that they were finally adopted by both,
tration, attended by its delay, trouble, and expense, in the 5th article of the treaty.
in defiance of past experience as to the probability To close my observations upon what passed on
of any more satisfactory results.
this subject at Ghent. I would draw your attention
to the letter of Mr. Gallatin, one of the American
plenipotentiaries, to Mr. Secretary Monroe, on the
25th Dec., 1814.

It is undoubtedly true, that, should our present attempt unfortunately fail, there might remain no other alternative but a second reference, yet when I consider all the difficulty and uncertainty attending it, I trust that all parties will come to the conclusion, that the very intricate details connected with the case must be better known and judged by our two governments than any diligence can make them to be by any third party, and that a sincere candid disposition to give reciprocally fair weight to the arguments on either side is likely to lead us to a more satisfactory settlement, than an engagement to abide by the uncertain award of a less competent tribunal.

pose.

In the year 1802, Mr. Madison, at that time secretary of state for the United States, in his instructions to Mr. Rufus King observed that the difficulty in fixing the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, "arises from a reference in the treaty of 1783, to highlands which it is now found have no definite existence." And he suggests the appointment of a commission, to be jointly appointed, "to determine on a point most proper to be substituted for the description in article II. of the treaty of 1783." Again, Mr. president Jefferson, in a message to congress, on the 17th October, 1803, stated that "a farther knowledge of the ground in the northeastern or northwestern angles of the United States has evinced that the boundaries established by the treaty of Paris, between the British territory and ours, in those points, were too imperfectly described to be susceptible of execution." opinions of two most distinguished American statesmen gave rise to a convention of boundary, made in London by Rufus King and Lord Hawkesbury, which from other circumstances, which it is not necessary to refer to, was not ratified by the senate.

These

I might further refer you on this subject to the report of judge Sullivan, who acted as a commissioner of the United States, for settling the controversy with Great Britain respecting the true river St. Croix, who says, "the boundary between Nova Scotia and Canada was described by the King's proclamation in the same mode of expression, as that used in the treaty of peace. Commissioners who were appointed to settle that line, have traversed the country in vain to find the highlands designated as the boundary."

With these known facts, how can it possibly be maintained, that doubts about the boundary arose for the first time in the year 1814.

I need not pursue this subject further. Indeed, it would have been useless to treat of it at all with any person having before him the record of the diplomatic history of the two countries for the last half century. My object in adverting to it, is, to correct an error, arising, I am ready to believe, not from any intention to misrepresent, but for want of information, and which seemed to be sufficiently circulated to make some refutation useful towards promoting the desired friendly and equitable settlement of this question.

He offers the following conjecture as to what might probably be the arguments of Great Britain against the line set up by America: "They hope that the river which empties into the Bay de Chaleurs in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, has its source so far west as to intervene between the head waters of the river St. Johns, and those of the streams emptying into the river St. Lawrence; so that the line north from the river St. Croix will first strike the heigth of land which divides the waters emptying into the Atlantic The very friendly and cordial reception given by ocean (river St. Johns) from those emptying into the We believe the position maintained by us on the you, sir, as well as by all the authorities of your Gulf of St. Lawrence (river De Chaleurs) and after-subject on this boundary to be founded in justice and government, to the assurance that my mission here, wards the heights of land which divide the waters equity; and we deny that we have been determined by my sovereign, has been determined by an unfeign- emptying into the Gulf of St. Lawrence (river de in our pretensions by policy and expedience. I ed desire to settle this and all other questions be- Chaleurs) from those emptying into the river St. might, perhaps, fairly admit, that those last mentween us, on principles of conciliation and justice, Lawrence; but that the said line never can, in the tioned considerations have prompted, in some meaforbids me to anticipate the possibility of the failure words of the treaty, strike any spot of land ac-sure, our perseverance in maintaining them. The of our endeavors applied with sincerity to this pur-tually dividing the waters emptying into the Atlantic territory in controversy, is (for that portion of it at ocean from those which empty into the river St. La- least which is likely to come to Great Britain by any With this view of the case, therefore, although, wrence." amicable settlement,) as worthless for any purpose not unprepared to enter into the general argument, So obvious an argument in opposition to the line of habitation or cultivation, as probably any tract abstain from so doing from the conviction that an claimed by America, could not escape the known sa- of equal size on the habitable globe, and if it were amicable settlement of this vexed question so gener-gacity of Mr. Gallatin. I state it not for the purpose not for the obvious circumstances of its connecting ally desired, will be thereby best promoted. But, at of discussing its merit, but to show that, at Ghent, the British North American provinces, I believe, I the same time some opinions have been industrious- not only the fact was well known that this boundary might venture to say, that whatever might have been ly committed throughout this controversy, and in was a matter in dispute, but that the argument res. the merit of our case, we should long since have some instances by persons in authority, of a descrip- pecting it had then been weighed by the gentlemen given up the controversy, and willingly have made tion so much calculated to mislead the public mind, so eminent in its subsequent discussion. the sacrifice to the wishes of a country with which that I think it may be of service to offer a few obit is so much our interests, as it is our desire, to servations. maintain the most perfect harmony and good will. I trust that this settlement must be manifest in my unreserved communication with you on this, and on all other subjects connected with my mission. ICI have failed in this respect, I shall have ill obeyed the instructions of my government and the earnest dietates of my personal inclination. Permit, me, sir, to avail myself of this, my first opportunity of formally addressing you, to assure you unfeignedly of my most distinguished consideration.

Indeed, the fact that the American ministers made the disputed question a matter for reference, by a I do not, of course, complain of the earnest ad- treaty afterwards ratified by the president and senate, herence of partizans on either side to the general ar- must to every candid mind be sufficient proof that it guments on which their case is supposed to rest: but was generally considered to be involved in sufficient a position has been taken, and facts have been re-doubt to entitle it to such a mode of solution. It can peatedly stated, which I am sure the authorities of not possibly be supposed, that the president and senthe federal government will be abundantly able to ate would have admitted, by treaty, doubts respecting contradict, but which have evidently given rise to this boundary, if they had been heard of for the first much public misapprehension. It is maintained that time through the pretensions of the British plenipothe whole of this controversy about the boundary tentiaries at Ghent. began in 1814, that up to that period the line as claimed by Maine was undisputed by Great Britain, and that the claim was avowedly founded on motives of interest, to obtain the means of conveniently connecting the British provinces. I confine these remarks to the refuting this imputation, and I should indeed, not have entered upon the controversy, even on this, if it did not appear to involve in some degree a question of national sincerity and good faith.

The assertion is founded on the discussions which preceeded the treaty of peace signed at Ghent, in 1314. It is perfectly true that a proposal was submitted by the British plenipotentiaries for the revision of the boundary line on the northeastern frontier, and that it was founded on the position that it was desired to secure the communication between the provinces, the precise dilineation of which was at that time imperfectly known. The American plenipotentiaries in their first communication from Ghent

If the arguments or assertions which I am now noticing, and to which I studiously confine myself, had not come from authority, I should owe some apology for these observations. The history of this important controversy is too well known to you, sir, and stands but two voluminously recorded in your department, to make them necessary for your own information.

Hon. Daniel Webster, &c. &c.

ASHBURTON.

Mr. Webster to Lord Ashburton. Department of state, Washington, June 17, 1842. Lord Ashburton having been charged by the queen's government, with full powers to negotiate and settle all matters in discussion between the U. The repeated discussions between the two coun- States and England, and having on his arrival at tries, and the repeated projects for settlement which Washington, announced, that in relation to the queshave occupied every succeeding administration of the tion of the northeastern boundary of the U. States, United States, sufficiently prove how unfounded is he was authorized to treat for a conventional line, the assertion that the doubts and difficulties respect- or line by agreement, on such terms and conditions ing this boundary had their first origin in the year and with such mutual considerations and equivalents 1814. It is true that down to that time, and indeed as might be thought just and equitable, and that he to a later period, the local features of the country was ready to enter upon a negotiation for such conwere little known, and the different arguments had inventional line, so soon as this government should say consequence not assumed any definite form: but suf- that it was authorized and ready on its part, to comficient was known to both parties to satisfy them of mence such negotiation; the undersigned, secreta

ry of state of the United States, has now the honor to acquaint his lordship, by direction of the president, that the undersigned is ready, on behalf of the go vernment of the United States, and duly authorized, to proceed to the consideration of such conventional line, or line be agreement, and will be happy to have an interview on this subject at his lordship's The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to tender to Lord Ashburton assurances of his distinguished consideration. DANIEL WEBSTER.

convenience.

Lord Ashburton, &c. &c.

ordinary diplomaey. With a person of your pene- fessed myself ready to treat questions of boundaries 'ration they would avail as little as they would with in other quarters where no considerations of particu the intelligent public of the two great enlightened lar convenience or fitness occur. I might further countries of whose interests we are treating. I prove this by calling your attention to the fact, that know no other mode of acting than an open, plain of the land likely to come to us by any practicable dealing, and I therefore disregard, willingly, all the settlement, nine-tenths parts of it are, from its podisadvantage of complying with the invitation given sition and quality, wholly worthless. It can supme to be the first to speak on this question of the east-port no population, it grows even little timber of vaern boundary. It is already agreed that we abstain lue, and can be of no service but as a boundary, for from a continued discussion of the arguments by two distinct governments. which the lines of the two countries are reciprocally In considering on the map a division of the terrimaintained; and I have so well observed this rule tory in question, this remarkable circumstance must that I have not even communicated to you a volume he kept in mind, that a division of acres by their of additional controversial matter which I brought number would be a very unequal division of their vaLord Ashburton to Mr. Webster with me, and much of which would, if controversy lue. The southern portion of this territory, the valWashington, June 17, 1842. were our object. be of no inconsiderable weight and ley of the Aroostook, is represented to be one of one The undersigned, plenipotentiary of her Britannic importance. It would be in the event only of the of the most beautiful and most fertile tracts of land majesty, on an extraordinary and special mission to failure of this negotiation, which I will not antici- in this part of the continent, capable of the highest the United States of America, has the honor of ac-pate, that we should be again driven into the laby-state of cultivation, and covered with fine timber; knowledging, with much satisfaction, the communi- rinth from which it is our purpose to escape, and while the northern portion, with the exception of cation received to-day from Mr. Webster, secretary that failing to interpret strictly the words of the that small part comprised within the Madawasca of state of the United States, that he is ready on be- treaty, we should be obliged to search again into settlement, is of the miserable description I have half of the United States, and duly authorized, in contemporaneous occurrences and opinions for prin- stated. It would be no exaggeration to say, that one relation to the question of the northeastern bounda- ciples of construction which might shed light on the acre on the Aroostook would be of much more vary of the United States, to proceed to the considera-actual intentions of the parties. tion of a conventional line, or line by agreement, on such terms and conditions, and with such mutual considerations and equivalents as might be thought just and equitablo. And in reply to Mr. Webster's invitation to the undersigned, to fix some time for their conference upon this subject. he begs to pro pose to call on Mr. Webster at the department of state, to-morrow at 12 o'clock for this purpose, should that time be perfectly convenient to Mr.

lue than ten acres north of the St. John. There

of acre for acre.
would be, therefore, no equality in making a division

But although I remind you of this circumstance, I
do not call on you to act upon it.
On the contrary,

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reciprocal admission, or presumption that the royal Our success must, on the contrary, depend on the arbiter was so far right when he can to the conclusion which others had come to before him that the treaty of 1783 was not executab! according to am willing that you should have the advantage in its strict expression. and that the case was there: we this settlement, both in the quantity and quality of one for agreement by compromise. The only point this land. All I wish is to call this fact in proof of upon which I thought it my duty to enter upon any my assertion, that the object of Great Britain was thing like controversy, is that referred to in my let simply to claim that which was essential to her, and ter of the 13th instant and I did so to rescue my go- would form a convenient boundary, and to leave all The undersigned avails himself of this opportuni-vernment and myself from an imputation of un-the more material advantages of this bargain to the ty to assure Mr. Webster of his distinguished consi- worthy motives, and the charge that they had set up state of Maine. deration.

Webster.

Hon. Daniel Webster, &c. &c.

ASHBURTON.

Mr. Webster to Lord Ashburton. Department of state, Washington June 17, 1842. The secretary of state will have great pleasure in seeing Lord Ashburton at 12 o'clock to-morrow, as proposed by him.

Lord Ashburton to Mr. Webster.
Washington, June 21, 1842.

a claim which they knew to be unfounded, from I now come to the more immediate application of

mere considerations of policy or convenience. The
assertions of persons in my position, on subjects
connected with their diplomatic duties, are naturally
received by the world with some caution; but I trust
that you will believe me when I assure you that
should not be the person to come here on any such
errand.

these principles to a definite line of boundary; and looking at the map with reference to the sole object of Great Britain as already described, the line of the St. Johns from where the north line of the St. Croix strikes it, up to some one of its sources, seems evidently to suit both parties, with the exception which I shall presently mention.

This line throws the waste and barren tract to

River.

I do not pretend, nor have I ever thought the claim Great Britain, and the rich and valuable lands to of Great Britain, with respect to this boundary, any more than the claim of America, to be unattended Maine, but it makes a good boundary, one which with difficulties. The claims have been considered avoids collision and probable dispute; and for the SIR: The letter you did me the honor of address by impartial men, of high authority and unquestion-reasons stated, we should be satisfied with it if it ing me on the 17th instant, informed me that you ed ability, to be equally so attended, and therefore it were not for the peculiar circumstances of a settlewere now prepared and authorized to enter with me is that this is a question for a compromise, and it is ment formed on both sides of the St. John's, from into discussion of that portion of the difference be- this compromise which it has become our duty to en- the mouth of the Madawaska up to that of Fish tween our two countries, which relates to the north-deavor to accomplish. eastern boundary; and we had the following day I will only here add, the most solemn assurance, our first formal conference for this purpose, with a which I would not lightly make, that after a long view to consider, in the first instance, the best mode and careful consideration of all the arguments and of proceeding to arrive at what is so much desired inferences, direct and circumstantial, bearing on the by all parties-an amicable, and at the same time whole of this truly difficuit question, it is my settled equitable settlement of a controversy, which, with conviction that it was the intention of the parties to the best intentions, the authorities of the two coun- the treaty of peace of 1783, however imperfectly surrendered by Great Britain, and have lately sent tries, for nearly half a century, have in vain endea-those intentions may have been executed, to leave being done. to Great Britain by their description of boundaries,

vored to effect.

The history and circumstances of this settlement

are well known to you. It was originally formed from the French establishment in Acadia, and has been uninterruptedly under French or British domiion, and never under any other laws. The inhabitants have professed great apprehension of being an earnest petition to the queen, deprecating that

Further, this settlement forms one united community all connected together, and living some on one aad some on the other side of the river, which forms a sort of high road between them.

It seems self-evident that no more inconvenient

The result of this conference has been, that I have the whole of the waters of the river St. John. been invited by you to state generally my view of The length of these preliminary observations rethis case, and of the expectation of my government;quires, perhaps, some apology, but I now proceed to and although I am aware, that in the ordinary prac-comply with your application to me to state the tice of diplomatic intercourse, I should expose my-principles and conditions on which it appears to me line of boundary could well be drawn than one self to some disadvantage by so doing, I neverthe-that this compromise which it is agreed we should which divides in two an existing municipality, inless, do not hesitate to comply, premising only, that attempt, should be founded. the following observations are to be considered mereconvenient as well to the inhabitants themselves, as ly as memoranda for discussion, and not as formal the state of Maine and the province of New Bruns-wou'd be evident hardship, I might say, cruelty, in A new boundary is in fact to be traced between to the authorities under which they are to live. There propositions to have any binding effect, should our wick. In doing this, reference must be had to the separating this now happy and contented village, to negotiation have the unfortunate fate of the many extent and value of the territory in dispute, but as a say nothing of the bickerings and probable colliwhich have preceded it, of ending in disappointment. general principle, we cannot do better than keep in sions likely to arise from taking in this spot the preyou are sufficiently aware of the circum-mind the intention of the framers of the first treaty cise line of the river, which would under other cirstances which induced me personally to undertake of peace in 1783, as expressed in the preamble to cumstances satisfy us. Indeed, I should consider this mission. If the part which, during a long life, the provisional article in the following words: that such a separation of these industrious settlers, I have taken in public affairs, is marked by any par-Whereas reciprocal advantages and mutual conve- by placing them under separate laws and governticular character, it has been an earnest, persevering nience are found by experience to form the only per- ments, a most harsh proceeding, and that we should desire to maintain peace, and to promote harmony manent foundation of peace and friendship between thereby abandon the great object we should have in between our two countries. My exertions were un-states, &c." I have on a former occasion explained view of the happiness and convenience of the peoavailingly employed to prevent the last unfortunate the reasons which have induced the British govern-ple, and the fixing a boundary the least likely to ocwar, and have since been unremitting in watching ment to maintain their rights in this controversy be- casion future strife.

I believe

any passing clouds which might at any time forbode yond any apparent value in the object in dispute, to I dwell on this circumstance at some length in its renewal. On the accession to power of the pre- be the establishing a good boundary between our justification of the necessity I am under of departing sent ministers in England, perceiving the same wise two countries, so as to prevent collision and dispute, to this inconsiderable extent from the marked line of and honorable spirit to prevail with them, I could and an unobstructed communication and connexion the river St. John's. What line should be taken to not resist the temptation and the hope of being of of our colonies with each other. Further, it is de- cover this difficulty I shall have to consider with some service to my country, and to our common sired to retain under the jurisdiction of each go- you, but I can not in any case abandon the obvious race, at a time of life when no other cause could vernment respectively, such inhabitants as have for interests of the people. It will be seen by an inhave had sufficient interest to draw me from a re- a length of time been so living, and to whom a trans-spection of the map, that it is not possible to meet tirement better suited to my age and to my inclina-fer of allegiance might be painful or distressing. this difficulty by making over to Maine the northern These are briefly the objects we have in view, portion of this settlement, as that would be giving and which we must now seek to reconcile to a prac-up by Great Britain the immediately adjoining comtical division of the territory in dispute. Great munication with Canada, which it is her principal Britain has no wish of aggrandizement for any ge- object to preserve. neral purpose of increased dominion, and you must be satisfied by the liberality with which I have pro

tion.

I trust sir, that you will have perceived in the course of my hitherto informal communications with you, that I approach my duties generally without any of those devices and manoeuvres which are supposed, I believe ignorantly, to be the useful tools of

These observations dispose of those parts of the question which immediately concern the state of

cess to the sea through that river. It is further evi- | Abstaining from all historical facts, all cotempo-
dent that there can be no sch access under any arraneous expositions, and all external arguments and
rangement otherwise than by the consent of the pro- circumstances, I will venture to present to your lord-
vince of New Brunswick. It is my wish to seck an ship a very condensed view of the reasons which
early opportunity of considering, with some person produce in this country the conviction that a boun-
well acquainted with the commerce of that country, dary line may be ascertained, run, and delineated
what can be done to give it the greatest possible free- with provisions, under and according to the words of
dom and extent without trenching too much on the the stipulation in the treaty of 1783, that no doubt
vical regulations of the two countries. But. in the can be raised by any part of that stipulation which
meantime, in order to meet at once the urgent wants other parts of it do not remove or explain, and that
and wishes of Maine in this respect, I would engage a line so run would include all that the United States
that, on the final settlement of these differences, all claim. This view is presented by a series of short
lumber and produce of the forest of the tributary propositions.
waters of the St. John's shall be received freely
without duty and dealt with in every respect like the
same articles of New Brunswick.

Maine; but it may be well at the same time to state
my views respecting the adjoining boundary of the
states of New Hampshire, Verment, and N. York,
because they made part of the reference to the king
of the Netherlands, and were, indeed, the only part
of the subject in dispute upon which a distinct deci-
sion was not given.
The question here at issue between the two coun-
tries was as to the correct determination of the par-
allel of latitude and the true source of the Connecti-
cut river. Upon both these points decisions were
pronounced in favor of Great Britain; and I might
add that the case of America, as matter of right, was
but feebly and doubtingly supported by her own au-
thorities. I am nevertheless disposed to surrender
the whole of this case, if we should succeed in set-
tling, as proposed, the boundary of Maine. There is I can not now say positively whether I may be able
a point or two in this line of boundary where I may to go further, but this seems to me what is principal-
have to consider, with the assistance of the survey-ly required. Suggestions have at times been thrown
ors acquainted with the localities, the convenience of out of making the port and river St. John's free to
the resident settlers, as also, which line may best suit the two countries, but I think you will be sensible
the immediate country at the head of the Connecti- that this could not be done without some reciprocity
cut river; but substantially the government of Ame- for the trade of the St. John's in the ports of the U.
rica shall be satisfied, and this point be yielded to States, and that, in endeavoring to regulate this, we
them.
should be embarking in an intricate question much
and often discussed between the two countries. It
cannot also fail to occur to you that joint rights in
the same harbors and waters must be a fruitful
source of dissension, and that it behoves us to be
careful not to sow the seeds of future differences in
the settlement of those in our own day.

This concession, conceded with reference to the sale of the land ceded, which is generally reported to be fertile, and contains a portion at Rouse's point much coveted in the course of the controversy, would, under ordinary circumstances, be considered of considerable importance.

The concession, will, however, be made by Great Britain without reluctance, not only to mark the liberal and conciliatory spirit by which it is desired to distinguish these negotiations, but because the case is in some respects analogous to that of the Madawaska settlements, before considered. It is believed that the settlers on the narrow strip, which would be transferred to Great Britain by rectifying the 45th parallel of latitude, which was formerly incorrectly laid down, are principally from the United States, and that their opinions and habits incline them to evince a preference to that form of government, under which, before the discovery of the error in question, they supposed themselves to be living. It cannot be desired by her majesty to acquire any addition of territory under such circumstances, whatever may be the weight of her rights; but it will be observed that the same argument applies almost exactly to the Madawaska settlement and justifies the reservation I am thus obliged to make. In these days, the convenience and happiness of the people to be governed will ever be the chief guide in transactions of this description, between such governments as those of Great Britain and the United States.

Before quitting this subject, I would observe that it is rumored that Major Graham, in his late survey of Maine, reports some deviation from the north of the line from the head of the St. Croix towards the St. John's. I would here also propose to abide by the old line long established, and from which the deviation by Major Graham is, I am told, inconsiderable, without at all doubting the accurate, and good faith of that very distinguished officer.

I

a

In stating the important concessions I am prepared to make on a final settlement of these boundaries, I am sensible that concessions to one state of this union are not always to be made available for the satisfaction of any other; but you are aware that am treating with the United States and that for long line of important boundaries, and that I cannot presume to enter on the question how this settlement might operate on, or be in any way compensated to, I should, however, add my unfeigned belief that what I have proposed will appear reasonable with reference to the interests of the state of Maine considered singly.

the different states of the confederacy.

1

I have now stated. as I was desired to do,my views of the terms on which it appears to me that this settlement may be made. It must be sufficiently evident that I have not treated the settlement in the ordinary form of a bargain, when the party making the proposal leaves himself something to give up.

The case would not admit of this, even if I could bring myself so to act. It would have been useless for me to ask what I know could not be yielded, and I can unfeignedly say, that, even if your vigilance did not forbid me to expect to gain any undue advantage over you, I should have no wish to do so. The treaty we have to make will be subjected to the scrutiny of a jealous and criticising public, and it would ill answer its main purpose of producing and perpetuating harmony and good will if its provisions were not considered by good and reasonable men to make a just and equitable settlement of this long continued controversy.

Permit me, sir, to conclude with the assurance of my distinguished consideration

Hon. Daniel Webster, &c. &c.

ASHBURTON.

Mr. Webster to Lord Ashburton. Department of state, Washington July 8, 1842. MY LORD: Your notes of the 13 and 21st of June were duly received. In the first of these, you correctly say, that in our conference on the boundary question, we have both been of opinion that no advantage would be gained by resorting at this time to the discussion at length of the grounds on which each party considers its claim of right to rest. At the same time you deem it expedient, nevertheless, to offer some observations, calculated, in your judgment, to repel a supposed allegation, or suggestion, that this controversy only began in 1814; that up to that period the American claim was undisputed; and that the English claim, as now set forth, is founded merely in motives of interest. Nothing is more natural than that your lordship should desire to repel and good faith of your government, and all the an imputation which would impeach the sincerity weight which justice and candor require, are given to your lordship's observations in this respect. It is not my purpose, nor do I consider it pertinent to the occasion, to go into any consideration of the facts and reasonings presented by you to show the good faith and sincerity of England, in the claim asserted by her. Any such discussion would be a departure from the question of right now subsisting between I abstain from noticing here, the boundaries fur- the two governments, and would be more especially ther west, which I am prepared to consider and to unfit for an occasion in which the parties are apsettle, because they seem to form a part of a caseproaching each other in a friendly spirit, with the which it will be more convenient to treat separately. hope of terminating the controversy by agreement. In the course of these discussions much anxiety Following your lordship's example, however, I must has been expressed that Maine should be assured of be permitted to say, that few questions have ever some means of communication by the St. Johns, arisen under this government, in regard to which, a more especially for the conveyance of her lumber. stronger or more general conviction was felt, that This subject I am very willing to consider, being the country was in the right, than this question of sensible of the great importance of it to that state, the north-eastern boundary. To say nothing of the and that the friendly and peaceful relations between sentiments of the government and people of the the neighboring countries cannot be better secured states more directly interested, whose opinions may than by reciprocally providing for all their wants be supposed capable of bias, both houses of conand interests. Lumber must for many years be the gress, after full and repeated consideration, have af principal produce of the extensive valley of Aroos-firmed the validity of the American claim, by an unatook and of the southern borders of the St. Johns; nimity experienced on very few other subjects, and and it is evident that this article of trade being worth the general judgment of the whole people seems to any thing, must mainly depend upon its having ac- be same way.

That the proposition, taken as a whole, will be satisfactory to the country at large, I can entertain

no doubt.

1. The northwest angle of Nova Scotia is the thing to be sought for and found.

2. That angle is to be ascertained by running a line due north from the source of the St. Croix river till that line reaches the highlands, and where such north line intersects the highlands, there is the angle; and thence the line is to run along the said high. lands, which said highlands divide those rivers which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those that fall into the Atlantic ocean. The angle required, therefore, is an angle made by the intersection of due north line with the highlands from one slope of which the rivers empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, and from the other into the Atlantic ocean.

3. Supposing it to be matter of doubt whether the St. Johns and the Ristigouch are rivers falling int the Atlantic ocean in the sense of the treaty, then the rule of just interpretation is, that if one element or one part in the description be uncertain, it is to be explained by others which are certain, if there be such others."

Now there is no doubt as to the rivers which fall into the St. Lawrence. They are certain, and to their sources the north line is to run, siace at their sources the highlands required by the treaty do certainly exist. And departing from the rule just prescribed to myself, I will remind your lordship that the joint commissioners and the agents of the two governments in 1817, in giving the surveyors instructions for finding these highlands, directed them, in terms to proceed upon a due north line, "till they should arrive at some one of the streams connected with the river St. Lawrence," and then to explore the highlands from that point to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river. It is indisputable that a line run according to their instructions, thus given by the commissioners and agents of both governments, would give to the United States all that they have at any time claimed.

4. It is certain that by the treaty, the eastern boundary of the United States, from the head of the St. Croix, is to be a due north and south line. And it is equally certain that the line is to run north, until it reaches the highlands from whose northern waters head the rivers that flow into the river St. Lawrence.

5. These two things, being, one mathematically, and the other physically certain in themselves, and capable of being precisely marked and delineated, explain or control the uncertainty, if there be uncertainty in the other part or element of the description.

6. The British argument, assuming that the Bay of Fundy, and now especially the Bay of Chaleur, are not the Atlantic ocean, within the meaning of the treaty, insists that the rivers flowing into these bays are not, therefore in the sense of the treaty, rivers falling into the Atlantic, and therefore the highlands to which the United States claim, have not that calls for, and as it is agreed, nevertheless, that we southern or eastern waterheads which the treaty must somewhere find highlands, and go to them, whose northern waters run into the St. Lawrence, the conclusion is, that the different parts of the dis cription in the treaty do not cohere, and that therefore the treaty connot be executed.

7. Our answer to this, as is obvious from what has already been said, is two fold.

1st. What may be doubtful in itself, may be made certain by other things, which are certain; and inasmuch as the treaty does certainly demand a due north line, and does certainly demand the extension of that line to the highlands, from whose northern sides the rivers flow in the river St. Lawrence, these two clear requirements make it plain, that the parties to the treaty considered in fact, the rivers flowing from the south or east of the said highlands, to be rivers falling into the Atlantic ocean, because they have placed St. Lawrence river and the Atlantic rivers in contradistinction to each other, as rivers running in opposite direction, but with their sources in the same highlands. Rivers fed from these highland fountains, running north or northwest, are rivers emptying themselves into the St. Lawrence; and rivers rising fron the same fountains and running in an opposite direction seem to be as clearly meant to be designated by the character of Atlantic rivers.

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