ment it was hard to say whether the | sensation in the capital, spoke as fol-peasantry of the few great seigneurs lows: "The public journals have, who had survived the Revolution, or within these few days, directed against the workmen of the great manufacturers who had arisen on the ruins of those who had fallen, were most loud in their cheers. The King decorated with his own hand M. Casimir Perier, who, with M. Benjamin Constant, was peculiarly conspicuous from the fervour of his loyalty. Yet were both parties insincere, or rather deceptive, in these demonstrations, which went far to mislead the King as to the real state of public opinion in the country. Each had an object to gain in making them, because both felt that a crisis was approaching, and that it was by outvying the other in effusions of loyalty that they were most likely to turn it to their own advantage. me the most violent attacks, without provocation on my part, without truth, without even probability, without a single fact to adduce that could furnish them either with motive or pretext. They have dared to hold me up to entire France as nourishing in my heart a secret repugnance to our representative institutions, which seem now to have acquired an additional title to veneration since the King who bestowed them reposes in an honoured tomb. Could the authors of these calumnies penetrate into the interior of my home, they would find there the best, the most decisive refutation of these calumnies. They would find me surrounded with the fruits of my con84. Notwithstanding the secret re- tinual studies, all of which had but solution of the King to intrust to one object and end, to consolidate and Prince Polignac the formation of a defend our institutions, and to contrinew Ministry, it was not deemed safe bute to make them descend to our as yet openly to take that step; and children. Yes," he added, in a solemn the session of 1829 commenced with tone, "our institutions appear to me M. de Martignac still at the head of to reconcile all that can be required the Government. The King drew with on the one side by the power and digjustice a flattering picture of the state nity of the throne; on the other, by of the country, which was prosperous the just independence of the nation. in every part beyond all former ex- It is, then, in entire accordance with ample; and his speech, which was my conscience and my conviction that hailed with enthusiasm, concluded with I have taken the solemn engagement these words: Experience has dissi- to concur in and maintain them. And pated the prestige of insensate theories. what right has any one now to say that France knows, as you do, on what I will recede from that engagement? basis its prosperity rests; and those What right have they to suppose in who seek it elsewhere than in the sin- me an intention to sacrifice my legiticere union of the royal authority and mately acquired liberties? Have they the liberties consecrated by the Char-ever seen in me the servile adorer of ter, will find themselves speedily dis-power? Has my political faith wavered avowed by it." These words were received with loud applause, and it seemed, from the unanimity displayed, that the legislature was more unanimous than they had ever been in their attachment to the throne, instead of being, as it really was, on the eve of a convulsion which was to shake it in the dust. at the presence of danger? If it were possible to interrogate the consciences and life of my accusers, would I not find them bending the knee before the idols, when, more independent than these, I braved in chains danger and death?" 86. This speech, which revealed the secret hopes and expectations of the 85. In the discussion on the address orator, fell like a thunderbolt on M. in the Chamber of Peers, Prince Po- de Martignac, to whose administration lignac, who was not yet invested with it presaged an early downfall. He was any ostensible power, but whose pre-sagacious enough to perceive that the sence at Paris had excited no small | King was preparing for him a succes sor; and he felt the disheartening con- | a coalition of the Left and Left Centre, viction that he was only smoothing by the numbers being 124 to 103. It is his administration the path of power difficult to imagine a more flagrant infor a different Government. The first stance of factious and unprincipled comvotes in the Assembly showed how bination than this, for the measure thus thoroughly its members were imbued thrown out by a coalition of Liberals with these thoughts and presenti- and Liberal Royalists was a large conments. M. Royer-Collard had the cession to popular influence, and a demajority; but M. Casimir Perier had cided blow at the power of the Crown. 155 votes, and M. de la Bourdonnaye, The Royalists, anxious to overthrow the ministerial candidate, only 90. the Ministry, remained immovable on This sufficiently demonstrated that their seats, and, anticipating their fall, the state of parties was such that it were deaf to the entreaties of M. de was impossible for the Government to Martignac and M. Hyde de Neuville, withstand any coalition that might be that they would come to the rescue of formed against it. The Centre even the Crown. The Liberals, guided by belonged more to M. de Villèle than Casimir Perier and Guizot, disregarded M. de Martignac; and the support of equally the representations of the Minthe Left was not to be relied on in ister, that the King would never go a question with a combination that beyond these concessions, and that his threatened to overthrow the Ministry. fall would throw the Government into 87. To conciliate the Liberal major- the hands of an ultra-faction, which ity, Government brought forward a law by its extreme measures would endanwhich tended to increase the popular ger the monarchy. It seems strange influence in the municipal councils. that, for the purpose of party, public The Royalists were expected to sup- men should lend themselves to such a port the project, for as it proposed to dereliction of principle; but the hisgive admission to an additional num-tory of England furnishes many simiber of votes from the rural districts, where their chief influence lay, it appeared calculated to increase their authority. The Liberals were equally relied on for their support, for they were impressed with the idea, which 88. Nothing could exceed the satissubsequent events have so entirely dis- faction of the King, who in secret deproved, that any considerable increase sired the fall of his Ministers, at this in the number of voters, or the powers defeat. When M. de Martignac and with which they were invested, would M. Portalis announced the hostile vote, tend to augment their own preponder- he said, with joy depicted in his counance in the state. Nevertheless, by tenance : "Well, see how they receive one of those combinations of parties my kindnesses. You see where they which often precede or occasion the wish to drag me: you see whither you fall of a ministry, this measure, framed have been dragged yourselves by your to please both parties, gained the sup-system of concessions. I have smiled port of neither. On the contrary, a coalition was formed against it, which proved fatal to the law itself and the Administration. The projected law was divided into two parts, one regulating the municipal régime, the other the councils of arrondissement. The first met with little opposition; but the second, which went to establish more extended and popular assemblies of the cantons, in lieu of the old councils of arrondissement, was defeated by lar examples-one in particular, which will be detailed in the sequel, on an occasion hardly less momentous, or attended with consequences less important than this. twenty times at your confidence in the Chambers. You will gain nothing but by vigour. Return and announce to the Chamber that I withdraw my laws." Thunderstruck with this announcement, the vigour and celerity of which revealed a prior and concerted resolution, the Ministers, downcast and sad, returned to the Chamber, and announced the royal determination. The consternation of the Chamber equalled that of the Ministers; they now saw what they had brought about, and bit- | I sure of the army?" 89. Though conscious that he could no longer carry on the Government, M. de Martignac, like a good soldier, remained at his post, resolved as long as possible to avert the collision of the Crown and the Legislature. The remainder of the session, however, was almost dumb show; all were aware that the decisive stroke had been struck, that the days of the compromise Ministry were numbered, and that it was merely a question of time when they should give place either to a decided Royalist administration, appointed by the King, or a decided Liberal one forced on him by the Chamber of Deputies. The budget, as a matter of necessity, was voted, under a tacit compromise between the parties, almost without discussion. A slight change took place in the Ministry, by the appointment of M. Portalis as Minister of Foreign Affairs ad interim, in the room of M. de la Ferronais, whose health was permanently broken; but it was generally understood that this was a temporary arrangement only, and that the place was really reserved for Prince Polig nac. "Sire!" an swered M. de Caux, "you must first The approaching downfall of 91. Profoundly skilled in dissimuthe Ministry was so universally pre-lation, the monarch concealed all these saged that they had become an object secret movements from his Ministers, of derision to the very courtiers and and M. de Martignac was slumbering pages of the palace. on in fancied security, in the belief that he had recovered his confidence, and that he might yet weather the storm, when, on the 6th August, M. Portalis, the Minister of Foreign Af fairs, was suddenly called to St Cloud, and informed by the King himself of the dissolution of the Ministry. "Concessions," said he, "have weakened me, without satisfying my enemies ;" 90. One evening, after a prolonged and bitter discussion on the expenses of the army, M. de Caux, the Minister at War, entered the King's Cabinet. "Well, M. de Caux," said the monarch, "what do you say to this assembly?' "Abominable, sire," replied the minister. "You agree with ime, then, that this cannot last? Am an observation which may be applied of men able indeed, and zealous, and with equal justice to all conciliatory devoted to the monarchy, but destitute measures, yielded to intimidation in- of practical experience, and guided by stead of a sense of justice. The whole a fanaticism which refused to take Ministers immediately repaired to St council from the signs of the times. Clond, and surrendered their portfolios It was a singular combination of cirto the King; M. Roy, the Minister cumstances which brought about such of Finance, alone was requested to a result in a country possessing repreremain, which he declined. ~ M. Hyde sentative institutions, and so strongly de Neuville could scarcely be brought imbued in the middle class, in which to believe in his disgrace. In the even- power was vested, with democratic opiing, the list of the new Ministry, which nions. But little eventual good could was all prepared, appeared in the Moni- be anticipated from a change which, teur; and as it was composed entirely in an age of intelligence and intellecof persons known to entertain the most tual activity, placed a Government in extreme Royalist opinions, it sounded power whose principles, however much like the tocsin of revolution through-in harmony with the opinions of the out France. Prince Polignac, though ostensibly Minister of Foreign Affairs, was the real Premier; M. de la Bourdonnaye was Minister of the Interior; M. de Bourmont, of War; M. de Montbel, of Public Instruction; M. de Courvoisin, of Justice; M. de Cha-antagonists' opinions, that they were brol, of Finance; and M. d'Haussey, of the Marine. The Ministry of Ecclesiastical Affairs was suppressed. M. de Rigny, the hero of Navarino, had declined the office accepted by M. d'Haussey. 92. Thus was accomplished, for the first time since the Restoration, an entire change of government in France. Power was now placed in the hands majority of the rural population, were utterly at variance with those of the urban inhabitants, in whom political power was exclusively vested; and who yet were so sincerely impressed with the danger of yielding to their prepared to hazard the monarchy itself in striving to overturn them. Nothing but combined wisdom and energy, vast previous preparation, and decisive rapidity in action, could bring the Government through such a crisis; and these were precisely the qualities in which, with all their ability, the new Administration were most deficient. CHAPTER XVII. FRANCE FROM THE ACCESSION OF THE POLIGNAC MINISTRY TO THE FALL OF CHARLES X. 1. PRINCE POLIGNAC, who was the real head of this Administration, and played so important a part in the eventful drama which so soon succeeded, was a man possessed of several brilliant, some noble qualities. Born under the shadow of the court in the brilliant days of the monarchy; the son of the princess whose beauty and tenderness had fascinated the heart of the romantic and confiding Marie-Antoinette; godson to that princess; bred up on the knees of the Count d'Artois ; driven into exile early in life, from the effects of a Revolution to which the attachment of the Queen to his mother had in some degree contributed; held up to the maledictions of the people, in consequence of the sincerity of his | this distance of time and place, howdevotion to the royal family, he was ever, it is possible to form a comparabound to the throne by the strongest tively impartial opinion of his meof all ties, to a generous mind-early rits and demerits. His countenance associations, gratitude for prosperity, which inherited from nature the fidelity in misfortune. He was, before beauty of his mother and the aristohe had passed adolescence, actively cratic cast of his father-had been engaged in the attempts made to re-imprinted, like that of Charles I., with store the fallen fortunes of royalty, and melancholy from his early misfortunes, was implicated in the plot of Georges and the long imprisonment he had at Paris, in 1801, to overturn the First undergone in consequence of his fideConsul. In consequence of this he lity to his opinions. His manners was arrested, brought to trial, and con- were refined and gracious; and when demned to death; and he then evinced he did apply to business, it was with the generosity of his disposition by a vigour and effect. During his lengthheroic contest with his brother, who ened confinement, which had endured also was condemned, each striving to nine years, he had read and meditated devolve upon the other a pardon, much. Unfortunately he was, by that which, on account of their extreme very circumstance, debarred from inyouth, Napoleon had accorded to one tercourse with men, or collision with of the two. His life was spared; but the world, during his long solitude, as a dangerous state criminal, he was and led to form his opinions, not from imprisoned for several years in the what he saw to be practicable, but castle of Vincennes, during which, as from what he thought to be right. is generally the case with an ardent These external influences, combining and intrepid mind, he was hardened with an intrepidity which nothing in resolution, and confirmed in opin- could shake, and a loyalty which noion, from the severity of the suffering thing could seduce, rendered him the which he was enduring for its sake. most dangerous Minister whom it was He was at length liberated by the possible to imagine for France at this Emperor, and joined the Count d'Ar- crisis; for they led him to engage tois in exile, with whom he re-entered without hesitation in a contest which France in 1814. He retired with that his conscience indeed approved, but prince to Ghent in 1815, and headed of which his reason had neither calcuan insurrection in Savoy against the lated the chances nor for it provided Emperor. After the second Restora- the means. His political principles, tion, he distinguished himself by the albeit ultra - Royalist, were far from intrepidity with which, almost alone, arbitrary. He aimed at securing for he maintained his opinions in church | France a constitution similar to that and state against a hostile majority. which for a century and a half had He was sent as ambassador to London given prosperity and glory to Great by Charles X., soon after his acces- Britain; and he engaged in the consion, chiefly in order to prepare him, test of 1830 chiefly in order to emanby intercourse with public men, for cipate it from the revolutionary influthe important place in the councils of ences which seemed to him the only the state for which he was designed impediment to that consummation. by that monarch; and he still held | Unhappily he never took into account that embassy, when he was called to the essential discrepancies between the the perilous task of guiding the mon- circumstances of the two countries, or archy in an open contest with the ma- the impossibility of constructing, in jority in the country. a country where the aristocracy had been destroyed and the church spoliated, a constitution adapted to one in which they formed the two pillars of the state. 2. His character, from the vast importance of the events which occurred during his administration, has been drawn in the most opposite colours by annalists on the different sides. At 3. M. DE LA BOURDONNAYE, the |