manner of administering its functions; | the Protestants, amazed and dejected, but it is equally true that an immense could only express their indignation in majority of the people look up, not to impotent declamation. Such was the the legitimate Government, but to an consternation produced, that Mr Dawirresponsible and self-constituted Asso- son was disavowed, and deprived of his ciation, for the administration of the situation. It soon appeared, however, affairs of the country. The peace of from still higher authority, that some Ireland depends, not upon the Min- settlement of the question was in the isters of the King, but upon the dicta- contemplation of the Cabinet. Dr tion of the Catholic Association. It has Curtis, titular Catholic Primate of Iredefied the Government, and trampled land, who, when in a situation at Saupon the law of the land; and it is lamanca, had been intimate with the beyond contradiction, that the same Duke of Wellington during his Penpower which banished a Cabinet min- insular campaigns, addressed a letter ister from the representation of his to his Grace on the state of Ireland, to county, because he was a minister of which he returned an answer, in terms the King, can maintain or disturb the cautious indeed, but indicating, not peace of the country, just as it suits obscurely, an intention to concede the caprice or ambition of those who emancipation.* This letter was carexert it. The same danger impends ried by Dr Curtis to a meeting of the over every institution established by Catholic Association, where it was relaw. The Church enjoys its dignity, ceived with tumultuous applause, and and the clergy their revenues, by the universally considered as an indication laws of the land; and we know not how on the part of the Government to yield. soon the Catholic Association may issue A still more unequivocal symptom of its anathemas against the payment of the same disposition appeared a few tithes; and what man is hardy enough days afterwards, in a letter of the Marto say the Catholic people will disobey quess of Anglesea, Lord-Lieutenant of its mandates? It depends on the Ca- Ireland, to Dr Curtis, on receiving a tholic Association whether the clergy copy of the Duke's letter, in which receive their incomes or not. The con- emancipation was openly spoken of as dition of the landlords is not more con- the only means of pacifying Ireland.† soling. Already they have become ciphers on their estates; in many places they have become, worse still, the tools of their domineering masters, the Catholic priesthood: and it depends upon a single breath, a single resolution, of the Catholic Association, whether they are robbed of their rents or not. So perfect an organisation was. never yet achieved by any body not possessing the legitimate power of government. It is powerful, it is arrogant, it derides, it has triumphed over the enactments of the Legislature, and it goes on filling its coffers from the voluntary contributions of the people. There is but one alternative either to crush the Association, or to look at the question with an intention to settle it. The latter is the course I prefer; the former is neither practicable nor desirable.'

125. This speech, coming from the quarter it did, made an immense sensation. The Catholics shouted victory;

cember; and I assure you that you do me "I have received your letter of 4th Dejustice in believing that I am sincerely anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman State, would confer a benefit on every indiCatholic question, which, by benefiting the vidual belonging to it. But I confess that I see no prospect of such a settlement. Party has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail upon men to consider it dispassionately. If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, and employ that time diligently in the consideration of its difficulties on all sides (for they are very great), I should not despair of seeing a satisfactory result."-WELLINGTON to Dr CURTIS, Dec. 11, 1828; Ann. Reg. 1828, p. 149.

"I venture to offer my opinion upon the course which it behoves the Catholics to pursue. Perfectly convinced that the final and cordial settlement of this great question can alone give peace, harmony, and prosperity to all classes of his Majesty's subjects in this kingdom, I must acknowledge my disappointment on learning that there is no prospect of its being effected during the present session of Parliament. I, however, derive great satisfaction from observing that his Grace is

126. But whatever vacillation the Cabinet may have experienced at this juncture, there was none evinced by the leaders of the Catholics. On the contrary, the more that disunion appeared in the ranks of their adversaries, the more united did they become, and the more loudly did they proclaim their determination to abate in nothing from their claims, to accept of no compromise, to take everything that was offered, but agitate unceasingly for the remainder. "The detailed paltry question of political discount," said Mr O'Connell, "shall not be listened to. We despise, we abhor it. We degraded ourselves by such a not wholly averse to the measure; for, if he can be induced to promote it, he of all men will have the greatest facility in carrying it into effect. I differ from the opinion of the Duke, that an attempt should be made to bury in oblivion' the question for a short time. First, because the thing is utterly impossible; and, next, if the thing were possible, I fear that advantage might be taken of the pause, by representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent reaction, and by proclaiming that, if the Government at once and peremptorily decided against concession, the Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the miseries of the last years in Ireland will be to be reacted. What I do recommend

Whatever the views of the Cabinet | traffic before, and it would be double were at this period, however, this letter delinquency to assent to it again. I went beyond them; and it was deemed therefore want that we should pledge necessary to mark the disapproval of it ourselves to have unqualified emanciby a very decided measure. The next pation, or nothing at all. I don't care post brought the recall of Lord Angle- if the Government bring in a bill for sea from the government of Ireland, our relief unconnected with any existand the appointment of the Duke of ing privileges. We will take anything Northumberland in his stead. they give us. They owe us twentyeight shillings in the pound. Let them give us fifteen shillings in the pound; we will proceed against them for the remainder. We'll take the instalment, and demand the residue with greater earnestness. I'll not object to any bill for our emancipation, if we were only to look at it; for since the abominable Union we have not gotten the least increase of our rights. I am not therefore opposed to partial relief; all I say is, that I shall oppose any bargain or absurd securities with all my force. I myself may be taunted with consenting to the measure called 'the Wings,' for disfranchising the forty-shilling freeholders in 1825. I know that Ï deserve that reproach; and I answer to those who assail me, that the only way in which I can atone for my error is, by a firm and determined opposition to any encroachments hereafter. Sooner than give up the forty-shilling freeholders, I would go back to the penal code. They form part of the constitution: their right is as sacred as that of the King to the throne, and it would be treason against the people to make any attempt to disfranchise them. I am loyal to the throne; but if an attempt were made to disfranchise the forty-shilling freeholders, I would conceive it just to resist that attempt with force, and in such resistance I would be ready to perish in the field or on the scaffold." In pursuance of this principle, the Association unanimously passed a resolution, "that they would deem any attempt to deprive the fortyshilling freeholders of their franchise a direct violation of the constitution." "The Duke of Wellington," said Mr Sheil, "could not adopt a plan more calculated to throw the country in a blaze than such an atrocious attempt at spoliating the rights of the Irish people. I trust he will not pursue this

is, that the measure should not be for a moment lost sight of; that anxiety should continue to be manifested; that all constitutional (in contradiction to merely legal) means should be resorted to, to forward the cause; but that, at the same time, the most patient

forbearance, the most submissive obedience to the laws, should be inculcated; that no personal and offensive language should be held towards those who oppose the claims. Let the Catholic trust to the justice of his cause, and the growing liberality of mankind. It is the Legislature which must decide this question; and my greatest anxiety is, that it should be met by the Parliament under the most favourable circumstances, and that the

opposers of Catholic emancipation should be disarmed by the patient forbearance, as well as the unwearied perseverance, of its advocates."-Marquess of ANGLESEA to Dr CURTIS, 23d Dec. 1828; Ann. Reg. 1828, p. 150,

note.

127. While the nation was in a state of the most anxious suspense from these alternate indications of policy, and all eyes were turned towards the meeting of Parliament, when something definite might be expected on the subject, the Cabinet was not only at first divided in regard to it, but they experienced, when they became united, the most strenuous opposition on the part of the Sovereign to any concession. The Duke of Wellington was the first of the anti-Catholic party in the Cabinet who became convinced of the necessity of yielding, and when he first communicated his views to Mr Peel, the latter acquiesced in them, but declared his intention of resigning both his situation in the Cabinet and his seat for Oxford. It would have been well for his reputation if he had adhered entirely to his first impression; but he was induced to forego it,*

course; but if he should, I tell him we | upon the representation that it would would rather submit for ever to the be a dereliction of duty to desert his pressure of the parricidal code, which Sovereign and the Prime Minister on a crushed our fathers to the grave, than crisis like the present, when that Sovassent to this robbery of a generous ereign was probably suffering more peasantry's privileges.' than any of his confidential servants. He contented himself, therefore, though with great reluctance, with resigning his seat for Oxford, and consented to bring in the bill into the House of Commons. The Cabinet was then united on the subject; but when they came to the King they experienced the utmost reresistance. George IV., with all his faults, possessed much of his father's firmness of character and penetration of mind, and he inherited the whole of his convictions on the vital importance of Protestant principles towards the maintenance of his family on the throne. The Cabinet, however, were united and firm, and twice over tendered their resignation if not permitted to bring in a measure which they deemed essential to the public welfare, and, in fact, of absolute necessity. Thus pressed, and being aware of the impossibility of forming an anti-Catholic cabinet, or, if formed, of obtaining for it a majority after much struggling, and with the in the House of Commons, the King, greatest pain, gave a reluctant consent to the measure. He did so, however, still clinging to the hope that in the interim the country would be so much roused on the subject as to enable him to avert the dreaded blow, or possibly authorise him to put his constitutional veto upon the whole measure.

* "I know well that all personal feelings must be subordinate to the public good; but I cannot help feeling, at the same time, that my own position was materially different from that of any other Minister, and I would wil

*

Hingly have retired from that interference in the settlement of the question which now devolved upon me. In the course of the discussions, however, connected with the consideration of this subject, my noble friend (Wellington) said that my retirement would greatly embarrass him; and this being the case, and it having been proved to my satisfaction that the difficulties in the way of set- any engagements which might prevent me tling the question would be increased if I from exercising the most unfettered judgpressed my retirement, I said to my noble ment on this vital question. I considered friend, that if such was likely to be the con- the path which led to a satisfactory settlesequences, no consideration should inducement of it to be, under all the circumstances me to urge my own personal wishes, but that I was ready to uphold, in my place, a measure which I was firmly convinced had now become necessary. My noble friend has done everything in his power to render the measure about to be proposed satisfactory to all parties; neither had he, in the consideration of this measure, been at all intimidated by the proceedings of the Catholic Association. My noble friend had felt it to be his duty to advise his Majesty to resort to the proposed measure, and would not allow any imputations which he felt to be unjust to influence his conduct. To myself, the adoption of this measure has been a most painful sacrifice. I have done all in my power to free myself from

of the country, the course most free from peril; and whatever part I may have taken on former occasions with respect to this question, I considered it perfectly reconcilable with my duty, as a member of that House and a servant of the Crown, to do all I could to fulfil the solemn injunction of his Majesty to consider this question, involving so deeply not only the best feelings of the people, but the tranquillity of the United Kingdom."See Sir R. PEEL'S Speech, Feb. 5, 1829; Parl. Deb. xx. 87.

*The King's own account of the matter to Lord Eldon was as follows: "That at the time the Administration was formed, no reason was given him to suppose that any

129. Immense was the sensation which this speech created in the country: nothing had been witnessed like it since the Revolution which dethroned James II. The Catholics were comparatively quiescent both in Great Britain and Ireland; they had gained the day in the mean time, and awaited the proper season for ulterior proceedings. The bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association passed both Houses without any opposition. Not so the Protestants. Deserted, and, as they deemed themselves, betrayed, by those to whom they had hitherto looked up as their natural

128. At length Parliament met, and | churches committed to their charge.' the speech from the throne contained | A few days after, a bill was brought in the following passage: "His Majesty for the suppression of the Catholic Aslaments that in that part of the United | sociation, and vested in the Lord-LieuKingdom an Association still exists tenant, to exercise that power whenwhich is dangerous to the public peace ever it should seem to him expedient and inconsistent with the spirit of the to do so. constitution, which keeps alive discord and ill-will among his Majesty's subjects, and which must, if permitted to continue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition of Ireland. His Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament, and he feels assured that you will commit to him such powers as may enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority. His Majesty recommends that, when this essential object shall have been accomplished, you should take into your deliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and that you should review the laws which impose disabili-guardians, they everywhere broke out ties on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. You will consider whether the removal of these disabilities can be effected consistently with the full and permanent security of our establishments in Church and State, with the maintenance of the reformed religion established by law, and of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the clergy of this realm, and of the

into the fiercest demonstrations, the most gloomy prophecies of ruin, if the threatened measure were carried into effect. The stanchest of the Tory press commenced the most violent attacks on the Government, which they accused of treachery, cowardice, and desertion of their most sacred duties to their country. Sir Charles Wetherall, the Attorney General, made, while still holding office, the most withering measure for the relief of the Roman Catholics and impassioned harangue against the was in contemplation; that he had frequently Ministry, and especially Mr Peel, the himself suggested the absolute necessity of putting down the Roman Catholic Associa- avowed leader of the anti-Catholic tion, of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, party. The country quickly and ento destroy the power of the most seditious ergetically answered the appeal. From and rebellious of the members of it, partiall quarters petitions against the Ro

cularly at the time when Lawless began his march; that instead of following what he so strongly recommended, after some time, not long before the commencement of the present session, he was applied to, to allow his Ministers to propose to him, as a united,Cabinet, the opening of Parliament, by sending such a message as his speech contained; that after much struggling against it, and after the measure had been pressed upon him as an absolute necessity, he had consented that the Protestant members of his Cabinet, if they could so persuade themselves to act, might join in such a representation to him, but that he would not then, nor in his recommendation to Parliament, pledge himself to anything. He repeatedly mentioned that he represented to his Ministers the infinite pain it gave him to consent even to that."-Lord Eldon's Life, iii. 83.

man Catholics poured into both Houses; and it was soon apparent that, if the matter were to be decided by a numerical majority of the whole inhabitants of the country, or if the House of Commons were a real representation of the feelings of the people, the bill would at once be thrown out by a large majority. Mr Peel honourably resigned his seat for Oxford, and was defeated, in his attempt to be re-elected, by Sir R. Inglis, after a keen and protracted contest, by a majority of 146 out of

1364 voters. "The strength of the anti-Catholic party," says Miss Mar

tineau, "as shown in the petitions, was great; but in the House of ComImons it was not so. The same reason which had caused the conversion of the Administration caused that of their adherents generally, and the power of argument was all on one side.'

130. The bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association having passed both Houses, and received the royal assent, leave to bring in one for the concession of the Roman Catholic claims was moved for in the House of Commons by Mr Peel, in an uncommonly full house. The argument urged was to the following effect "The subject is surrounded by many difficulties, but the time has now arrived when the amicable adjustment of the question would be attended with less danger than any other which I could suggest. On that opinion I am prepared to act, unchanged by any expression of an opposite opinion, however general or deep, unchanged by the forfeiture of political confidence, or by the heavy loss of private friendship. In 1825, when the bill passed the Commons, I intimated to Lord Liverpool my desire to resign in order to facilitate the adjustment of the question, and was prevailed on not to do so only by the assurance that it would dissolve the Ministry. In 1828, when the bill was again passed, I intimated a similar wish to the Duke of Wellington, with the addition that, seeing the current of public opinion, I was ready to sacrifice consistency and friendship, and support the measure, provided it was undertaken on principles consistent with the safety of the Protestant Establishment. I am aware that it is incumbent on me to make out a case for this change of policy, and that case is made out from the following considerations.

they already possess. But, thirdly, to deprive the Catholics of what they already possess would be impossible, or, at least, would be infinitely more mischievous than to grant them more; and therefore no course really remains but that of concession. That something must be done to enable the King to form a united ministry, is proved by the mischievous influence which the diversity of opinion on the subject has for many years had on the general administration of the country, the state of Parliament, and the government of Ireland. For thirty-five years the state of government in this country, on the Catholic question, has been that of disunion. Lord Fitzwilliam had gone to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant in 1794, and his government came to a termination on account of a difference about the Catholic question. Mr Pitt's administration came to a close in 1801 on the same ground. After his death the Whigs came in, and their ministry, after enduring eighteen months, was terminated still on the same ground-a difference about the Catholic question. During Mr Percival's administration, resistance to the Catholics was the principle of Government; but this was out of deference to the feelings of his late Majesty; for Mr Canning and Lord Castlereagh, who both supported emancipation, were members of this Cabinet. Since 1812, the Catholic question has been what is called neutral; that is, every member of the Cabinet adopts the view on it which accords with his own opinion. The Cabinet have been always nearly, sometimes exactly, balanced; and this was also the case with the Lord Lieutenant and Secretary, the Attorney and Solicitor General of Ireland, these being always on opposite sides. It need not be said to what 131. "Matters cannot continue as consequence such a divided system of they are: the evils of divided councils government must lead; it has defeated are so great that something must be the best intentions of the Cabinet, pardone, and a Government must be form-alysed the whole action of the execued with a united opinion on the sub- tive, and brought Ireland to the very ject. Secondly, a united Government verge of ruin. must do one of two things; it must 132. "The proceedings of the Legiseither grant further political rights to lature are still more indicative of the the Catholics, or recall those which | paralysing influence of this divided state