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who had negociated and signed it, formally and publicly agreed. To the indignation, therefore, we repeat, of the public, did this idenacal government call upon the British nation, for a sum of 60,000l. and an annuity of 16,000l. as a Compensation for territorial domain, and personal property, confiscated or seized on, by the tools of gallic tyranny, without its being able to shew that the consummation of this article, so often vaunted of by ministers, in both houses of parliament, had ever been pressed, during ten months of peace, by a single remonstrance respecting its non

performance, on the part of his majesty, to any of the contracting parties!!! The inference, therefore, was obvious, that the article in question, was a deceptive and fraudulent manœuvre; and that though the appeal now made to the justice and generosity of the country, was admitted, on the part of the house of Nassau, to its fullest extent; yet that, as coming through those to whose want of precaution, timidity, or supineness, its necessity originated, it was universally allowed to be a most barefaced and shameful transaction.

CHAP.

CHAP. XVI.

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King's Message on the Irish Insurrection.-Speeches of Lord Hobart Lord Limerick.-Address of Thanks unanimously carried.-Proceedings in the House of Commons thereon.-Bills brought into both Houses, for the Trial of Rebels and for the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. -Discussion in the Commons. Mr. Addington-Windham-Sheridan Hutchinson-Lord Hawkesbury-Dr. Lawrence-Lord CastlereaghDebate closed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Windham.— Bills passed in both Houses on the same Night.-India Budget.-Debates on the Defence Act.-Mr. Sheridan's Motion of Thanks to the Volunteers. And Mr. Hutchinson's on the Affairs of Ireland.-Session closed by a Speech from the Throne.-Observations.

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ON the 28th day of July a mes- lic virtue; after stating the bills

sage from his majesty was brought down to both houses, stating" that a treasonable and rebellious spirit of insurrection had manifested itself in Ireland, which had been marked by circumstances of peculiar atrocity in the city of Dublin; his majesty therefore recommended to the wisdom of parliament to adopt the necessary measures for its suppression."

This message having been read in the house of lords, by the lord Chancellor,

Lord Hobart, said it was with feelings of the utmost regret that he called the attention of their lordships to the violent and disgraceful outrages lately committed in Ireland, and particularly to the most atrocious and barbarous murder of that blameless and illustrious character, lord Kilwarden. His lordship then drew a most amiable pic ture of that great personage, who united every private to every pub

that he thought would probably be sent to that house by the commons, he concluded by moving an address to his majesty, thanking him for his gracious communication.

Lord Limerick expressed, with great animation, his sorrow for the outrages which disgraced that part of the united kingdom for which he came; he approved of the strong measures which were suggested for quelling the rebellion, and said that he was ready to share any odium that might have been incurred by those who advised similar measures in the last war.

The address was carried unanimously, and the house adjourned to eight o'clock, for the purpose of passing the bills which were expected to be brought up from the commons upon this subject. Between nine and ten, the chancellor of the exchequer brought up two bills; one for trying rebels in Ireland, by martial law, the second for suspending

spending the habeas corpus bill in Ireland.

The lord chancellor and lord Rosslyn agreed in opinion, that in cases of great emergency the standing orders of the house might be departed from, and instanced the talis passed at the time of the mutiny of the Nore.

The two bills were read through all their steps, and passed the same day.

In the house of commons, however, these bills occasioned some very animated discussion.

The chancellor of the exchequer moved the address: after expaLating much on the aggravated crime of treason in Ireland, at a fine when that country had been so long governed with the utmost mildaess, and after every effort had been made to conciliate, he still declared, that from the best information he could receive, he believed the mayrity of the people of Ireland were decidedly loyal.

Mr. Windham observed that it was extremely unusual to vote an address the same night that the message had been received. To give a proper attention to the objects of the message, it was usual to take at least a day to consider it, and in the present instance he thought a great deal more informabon was necessary than the houseas atpresent possessed of; he could not reconcile this burst of rebellion with those conciliatory accounts of the loyalty and tranquillity of Ireland, which the house had heard o much of from ministers. It appeared as if the government of Ireand might be destroyed and its metropolis taken, before parliament was to have the slightest warning

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of the state of that country: he wished therefore for the delay of a day for further information.

Mr. Sheridan said, he rose not to answer any argument, for he had heard none, but merely to express his astonishment, that any member in the house could start an objection to a measure of so much urgency. He concluded by describing eloquently, the sufferings which a delay of twenty-four hours might occasion to the loyal inhabitants of Ireland.

Mr. Hutchinson cordially supported the address, and expressed the greatest sorrow for the outrages that had disgraced the part of the united kingdom from which he came. Whatever were his feelings towards his country, he should vote for strong measures upon the present occasion.

Lord Hawkesbury replied with great warmth to Mr. Windham, he said that right hon. gentleman had formerly been troubled with no such qualms or delicate scruples as he was at present; he had frequently before voted for addresses the same day the message had been delivered. The proposition of delay was perfectly absurd in such an emergency as the present, the only tendency of his objection was to shew, that there did not exist a perfect unanimity in that house.

Dr. Lawrence, insisted that the whole system of ministers, consisted in blinding of the people, and preventing them from seeing the real state of affairs. They had constantly withheld information, and now demanded a hasty vote from passion, and not from deliberation.

Lord Castlereagh replied; and after

after some observations from Mr. Alexander and Mr. Archdall, the question on the address was put, and carried unanimously.

The chancellor of the exchequer then laid before the house, a copy of the proclamation, issued by the lord lieutenant and council of Ireland, relative to this business. He then professed, that although he felt the deepest reluctance at bringing forward any measure of rigorous severity, yet, in the present circumstances, he found it necessary. The measures he then proposed were, the empowering the executive of Ireland, to bring to a summary trial before courts martial all persons taken in rebellion; 2dly, to suspend the habeas corpus act in Ireland. In the course of his speech, he took occasion to pay the highest compliment to the disinterested patriotism of Mr. Sheridan, who, in every critical situation of the country, gave all his great talents to its

support.

Mr. Windham shortly explained, and ironically noticed the compliments which were passing between the chancellor of the exchequer and Mr. Sheridan.

Mr. Sheridan, in reply to some insinuation of Mr. Windham, said, that he had never in his life deserted his political principles, or his political attachments; while, on the other hand, that hon. gentleman had sat on every side of the house, till at last he came, by a diagonal progression, from the treasurybench to his present seat.

After a variety of explanations, both bills were brought in, went through all their different stages, and carried to the lords; where they were passed the same night,

On the 29th, lord Castlereagh opened the India budget: after stating the revenues and expenditure of the company, for the year 1802, which he compared with those of the the preceeding year, he remarked, with much triumph, the augmenting prosperity of our East india possessions. After stating the affairs of the company much in detail, he mentioned the change in the Carnatic, and the treaty with the nabob of Oude, as among the principal causes of the rise in the company's income, the last year. He concluded, by moving a string of resolutions, conformable to his statements.

Mr. Francis lamented, that on a business of such national importance, as the affairs of India, there should be such a thin attendance of members. He considered the great principle of the act of parliament. for contining the limits of our territorial possessions in India, had been entirely departed from, in the recent conduct of our government in that country. Notwithstanding the increase of our territories and reve nues in India, the India debt has considerably increased, and the annual surplus is not more than when our territories were smaller.

Mr. Prinsep, entered at large into the commercial situation of the company's affairs, which he con tended did not warrant the statement which had been made, that the company were trading on capital borrowed on India. That their assumed profits were fallacious, and formed upon false principles. H concluded, by expressing a doubt that a colony which had ten time the extent and population of the mother country, could be well go verned by a privileged corporation

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After some explanations from Lord Castlereagh, the resolutions of the committee were agreed to by the house, and the report received. The defence bill afforded another very animated discussion in the base of commons; as did Mr. Mendan's motion of thanks to the olunteers, on the 10th; and Mr. Hutchinson's motion, on the affairs • Ireland, on the 11th.

The debate, on the defence act, was begun by Mr. Wilberforce, disproving of the distinction made between those who served in voluner corps, and those who should ve in the levy en masse. The secretary at war explained, that when the number of volunteers ould be sufficient for the defence the country, it had been the inention of the legislature, to emer his majesty to suspend the ration of the act.

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themselves in rank. His opinion on that subject, was much strengthened, by observations he had met in the public prints, in which he but seldom found any thing worthy attention.

Mr. Sheridan ridiculed this attack on the public prints, and said, that although the daily papers presented nothing worthy that gentleman's notice, yet there was a certain weekly paper (Cobbet's Register), to which he appeared more partial. For his part, he was can did enough to allow, that there was some merit in that print [Mr. W. bowed]. The hon. gentleman answered with a condescending bow, he should therefore go no farther, for fear of hurting the feelings and blushing modesty of an author; perhaps the right hon. gentleman wrote a little for that weekly register. He liked the present bill, because it went to increase the number of volunteers. Every body must allow, that the volunteers of the metropolis were much superior in discipline and efficiency to what could be expected from an equal number of men, raised by the levy en masse. It was, however, a very good hint to men to turn volunteers to know, that if they did not, they might, in the course of a single month, find themselves in the ranks of common soldiers; subject to be tied up to the halberts, if they were to give a saucy answer to the serjeant.

Mr. Windham said, that the hon. gentleman, who spoke last, had shewn ail the zeal of a new convert, in supporting administration, and, like a raw recruit, had fired off his musquet, without ascertaining where was the enemy. He contended,

that

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