the vices resulting from the old mode of education. Our women formerly, by intrusting the care and nourishment of their children to the poor Savoyards, frequently left us a deformed, diseased, or lame progeny, the result of want of cleanliness, wretched sustenance, and a stranger's milk. "Cast, on the other hand, your eyes on the Genevese lately brought up on Rousseau's principles, and you will there see the ef fects of an education conformable to nature. You will admire our youth, become remarkable for beauty and elegance of form, because our women now, disdaining to intrust the duties of a mother to strangers and foreigners, have altered, embellished, and perfected. two generations; for which humanity is indebted to the ideas of our celebrated moralist." Unfortunately for the repose of surrounding governments, the Genevese, with their system founded in nature and democracy, dif fused every where maxims tending to disorganise all established societies. Blotted from the list of military states, they possessed a tactic of opinions and a philosophical theory more dangerous and destructive than the cannon of warlike nations. The whole of the eighteenth century passed at Geneva either in open revolutions or in intervals in which they were dreaded, and these alternate situations produced polemic writings, which, spread over France and Europe, contributed, like the works of Montesquieu, Mably, and Voltaire, to corrupt our manners and national genius, to introduce into the great est empire of Europe the frail constitution of Geneva, to establish it in France, as on the borders of the Leman lake, on the ruins of the priesthood, nobility, and monarchy, and to subject it to all kinds of dangers and conspiracies, like that of Geneva, the original model of all organised anarchy in government, France had formerly established a resident minister at Geneva, for the sole purpose of observing the progress of political ideas among this handful of aristocratic and democratic citizens, who were in continual danger of destroying each other. The active spirit and violent passions of the opposing parties would not allow them to acknowledge the necessity of a preponderating intermediary authority, to balance their relative interests, to hinder factions from destroying each other, and prevent the dreadful and periodical spectacle, now of a government commanding the exile or massacre of its principal persons, and now of a people menacing the like to its go vernment; a people, whom England stirred up three times in the space of a century, by paying its leaders: a government then unable to maintain itself without the interference of the French and Swiss military a people, in short, who never suspected itself to be the blind and passive tool of a few ambitious men in its bosom, who were themselves only that of the secret or apparent enmity of England against France. Fortunately, the neighbouring powers supplied the defect of this irregularity in the Genevese government; and, whenever there ap peared to be real danger of a subversion of the social order, France and Switzerland, and afterwards the court of Turin, hastened to arms, to give their assistance to the Genevese, and deliver them from the oppression of a party, who have for so many years laboured for its destruction.' Vol. v. P. 188. The remonstrances of the clergy to Lewis XVI. in 1780, on the dangers which threatened the Gallican church, we have not space for inserting, nor is it necessary; but we cannot avoid noticing that there is a strong portion of good sense in many of the remarks written by the king himself, in the margin of the paper containing these complaints. In reply to their request for new restrictions and penalties, he observes It is in vain to multiply laws and restrictions. If the clergy do not themselves attract the respect they desire, it is impossible to secure it to them by any other means. Respect to a body of men can only proceed from their own virtues.' Vol. v. P. 128. Theology and religion have such distinct departments, that it does not appear that a general inspection of this kind could be reasonably allowed, without the greatest inconveniences to both parties.' Vol. v. P. P. 135. Several bishops, highly deserving my confidence, have assured me, that no conversion, into which men were surprised, could be conformable to the true spirit of religion; and that, to be laudable, it must be the result solely of a free and enlightened conscience.' Vol. v. P. 140. Some of the volumes conclude with appendices, containing official and original papers, many of which are of considerable importance. Interspersed in the body of the work we meet also with analytical tables, and tables of genealogies and expenditures, which cannot but be of high advantage to the future student and historian: and prefixed to every volume is a double page filled with small outline portraits of the most distinguished political characters of the last and present centuries, many of which have no inconsiderable pretensions to similitude. Upon the whole, we cannot but regard these memoirs as the most valuable compilation that has hitherto appeared upon the entangled subject of the French revolution. The writer is evidently devoid of an undue attachment to party, and is sufficiently, chastised from political prejudice, excepting in the wish to stigmatise the rival country of Great-Britain with a restless and vindictive spirit which does not belong to her. He is garrulous and prolix, it must be confessed; but the consequence is a minuteness of description, which will often be found profitable in cases of reference. The grand defect is the perpetual want of discriminating dates, and of that luminous arrangement which leads us on from fact to fact, without the necessity of recurrence to freshen the memory as it advances. The translation is, in the main, well executed; though we meet with a variety of uncouth expressions, which we shall hope to see exchanged for a more polished phraseology in another edition: such as the impetuous of zeal,' vol. i. p. 145. The contradictoriness of his ideas,' vol. v. p. 191. A tactic of opinions,' ibid. p. 194. To which many others might be added, if it were necessary. ART. IV.-Science Revived, or the Vision of Alfred; a Poem, in Eight Books. 4to. 185. Boards. Gameau and Co. 1802. ECCE iterum Crispinus! After the tragedy of Mr. Penn, and the epics of Mr. Pye and Mr. Cottle, we did not expect a new poem upon Alfred. It is well for our great legislator that English verse cannot, like Runic rhymes, disturb the dead. In the following poem' (says the author) I have introduced supernatural agents, a species of embellishment to which criticism has given the name of Machinery. My supernatural agents are denominated Sylphs, though I have represented them as possessing qualities, and performing offices different from such as have been hitherto assigned to those “Gay creatures of the element, That in the colours of the rainbow live, This liberty I thought might be taken without violation of propriety, as Sylphs are beings of modern invention, whose characters are not yet fixed like those of Pagan mythology, from the mention of which the reader would now turn away with contempt. The end of poetry is to please; and to produce this end fiction has ever been considered as the most efficacious means. It has with truth been styled the soul of poetry, and its influence will generally be proportioned to its boldness and originality. Nevertheless, when a work of novelty is attempted, a work with machinery unlike whatever has preceded it, care should be taken to unfold the plan in a manner natural and easy, that the mind of the reader may be gradually disposed to that state of acquiescence and assent, without which a fiction perfectly new can scarcely hope for a favourable reception. Whether I have succeeded or failed in this must be left to the determination of the reader. There are many topics connected with science and the arts, of which no mention is made in the ensuing poem. I deemed it more expedient to leave it defective in this respect than extend it to a tedious prolixity. Such as it is, I now submit it to the inspection of the public, neither clated by confidence, nor disquieted by an useless anxiety for its success. There is some merit in the wish to please. Should the attainment of this wish be denied me, I shall console myself with reflecting that the time bestowed on my work has been passed, at least not dishonourably, in endeavouring to excite the love of knowledge, of liberty, and of virtue.' P. iii. The poem opens with an address of Alfred to the goddess of Science, whom he beseeches to descend and enlighten the world. nor was the suit unheard. For, as beneath an elm's thick boughs he lay, With which she crowns the studious sage or bard. As choice directs they move, Some onward fly, At length the heav'n-descended Pow'r her feet "Lo, prince! in part assenting to thy prayer, Ev'n Isis now delays her stream to see And pierce with Reason's beam the solid gloom, Comports not yet with Heav'n's unchanging doom." P.4. |