ends wanted to keep the peace, but we have just described, and which cared nothing at all for freedom and the leader of the Opposition congood government.

I do not know siders it his duty to pursue, than whether it is consistent with the position of the leader of a great

the very statesman of whom he has

the consummate assurance to call party to fling these accusations wholesale against Powers friendly to this himself a disciple. country-Powers with whom he has Mr Canning knew, as every had to deal in a responsible position, man of sense does, that we must and with whom he may again have take things as we find them : that to deal in an equally responsible being compelled at times to have position.”

communication with the absolute These are almost the very words Powers, to consult with them, neof Mr Canning, in commenting on gotiate with them, and sometimes the disgraceful epithets bestowed

to act with them, it was idle to on the great Powers by the Whig expect to have everything our own Opposition.

way: or to think ourselves justi

fied in breaking off any connection “I doubt,” he said, “whether it is with them formed for a specific wise even in this House to indulge purpose, because on some particular in such a strain of rhetoric : to call points they did not see through by a hundred hard names Powers English spectacles. The business with whom, after all, if the map of of the world could not be conEurope cannot be altogether cancelled, ducted on such a principle as this. we must, according to the admission of the most anti-Continental politi

And if we not only thought ourcians, maintain some international selves entitled to insist on their intercourse.

ways being our ways, but also fell

foul of them at once, and set to It is pretty clear what Sir reviling them like pickpockets, beWilliam Harcourt would have

cause they refused to, abandon had to expect had Mr Canning their own traditionary methods, been sitting opposite to him in we could only expect of course the House of Commons. To be a that they would cast us adrift, and friend to freedom is a totally that the whole influence we had a different thing from deriding right to exercise in the affairs of treaty obligations, from insulting Europe would at once be lost. in the coarsest terms the allies Canning knew this, and pursued a with whom we are engaged, and very different line of policy. He from endeavouring to thwart all was particularly cautious of doing the efforts of Government anything to wound the susceptidirected to the attainment of bilities of friendly Powers, and was confessedly desirable objects, by firmly resolved to maintain the declaring that it does not possess comity of diplomacy. the confidence of the country, and How does any one suppose that that the national sympathies are the Emperors like being called by all with those who refuse to listen such names as Liberal statesmen to our advice. Mr Canning is Sir now apply to them, especially William Harcourt's ideal of a when they hear that these are the Foreign Secretary. He was an who represent the public enemy of absolutism, and a friend sentiment of England ? Is that to popular institutions, yet no one the way to smooth matters and has protested more strongly against render it easier to transact business that very course of conduct which with them; or is it the way to

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make them view with suspicion only these things are done in the and distrust whatever proposals interest, or supposed interest, of emanate from this country, and Greece !

Such is the grotesque turn a deaf ear to suggestions and truncated form of syllogism which otherwise they might have to which Sir William's argument been willing to entertain ? Sir is reducible. Those who have the William's Gamaliel answers this same end in view may differ widely question in one way, and Sir as to means; and we hope we have William himself in another. The shown that every one of these pupil throws over the master, think- methods of testifying our friending it will not be found out. We ship for a nation in the predicaleave the public to choose between ment of Greece would have been them. Sir William may be quite as severely condemned by Mr right, but let him cease in future Canning as they are by Lord Salisto defend himself by the example bury. The same charges were of Mr Canning.

brought against the former as are We have omitted all reference brought against the latter. He to the parliamentary proceedings was accused of want of sympathy of last month, in order to draw with the Spanish Liberals, of want attention to the use which has of sympathy with the Greek insurbeen made of Mr Canning's name gents—an indictment quite as false by one who evidently presumed as those which are levelled at the on the public ignorance of the present Prime Minister; and it is subject. Even Sir Charles Dilke quite possible that some future made a blunder about the Holy Sir William Harcourt, fifty years Alliance which we should not have hence, may be found appealing to expected from him. But Sir the Foreign Secretary of 1897 as William invokes the name of

our own Sir William appeals to Canning as a shield that will the Foreign Secretary of 1823, cover the whole extent of his and exclaiming with a deep sigh, attack from end to end. Starting “Ah! if we had but a Lord Salisfrom the postulate that Canning bury among us now !” would have sympathised with We had thought of recalling Greece in the present war,

and some earlier instances of the ill slily slipping in the entirely false effects which are produced by an suggestion that the present Govern- Opposition anxious only to make ment does not, he thus contrives party capital out of foreign to place Canning and Lord Salis- politics. We might refer to the bury in apparent opposition to conduct of the Coalition during each other. This done, he makes the last years of Walpole's AdminiCanning's presumed agreement stration; to the conduct of the with the Radicals as to the main Whigs in 1797 on the subject of end of the present war serve to the currency, when the nation was justify their conduct in every par- only saved from imminent bankticular relating to it. The cause ruptcy by the wisdom and courage of Greece is the cause of liberty. of Mr Pitt; and again to their The cause of liberty was the cause attitude during the Peninsular of Canning. Therefore we are at

But we feel that we have liberty, with the sanction of that said enough, and with one parting illustrious statesman, to sneer at observation we may dismiss the treaties, to hamper our own Gov- subject. Bad as was the party ernment, and insult our allies, if spirit displayed by the Whig-Tory Opposition in 1738, and afterwards upon the present Government. by the Whigs on the several occa- This is the dictum of the great sions we have mentioned, they statesman whom the rising generanever went so far as to urge on tion are recommended by Sir the Government of the day the William Harcourt to adopt as their duty of tearing up treaties, re- guide. It is a pity Sir William pudiating engagements, and snap- had not some one in his youth to ping their fingers at the other do the same kind office for himself ; parties to the contract. It was for perhaps had he studied Canreserved for the Liberals or the ning's policy attentively while his Radicals of to-day to take this intellect was still pliant, and before great step in advance, and place he had entangled himself in the it to the credit of democracy. meshes of party, he might really Canning would have said, as in- have been able to act on the deed he does say, in the passage maxims conveyed by it. As it is, we have quoted, “However good he is unable to digest them. A your cause, and however bad your name, however, by itself goes a adversary's, treaties must be ob- long way, if it is continually quoted served until they are repealed, in favour of any given course of or modified with the consent of action, without remark. We were all who were parties to them." determined that the deception thus This is the political canon which practised on the public should not Mr Canning has left us, clothed in go unexposed, as far as our humble words of great power and precision, efforts could avail to unmask it; elicited from him by the same kind and with that object alone has this of pressure which has been placed article been written,



The trumpeters in a row,

With a note as clear as a bell,
And all the flutes and the fifes below,
And the brazen throats, and the strings of fire,

To let the people know
That the Mother, the Queen, the heart's desire,

From her palace forth doth go.

Princes, form in array !

Great ye are, and greater may be;
But only guards and vassals to-day
To the Lady enshrined in duty and love;

Pacing forth on her way
In weakness of age, and in power above

All words we can sing or say.

The streets that sound like the sea

When the tumult of life is high,
Now, in a murmur of voices free,
Hum and ripple and rustle and stir,

Straining each eye to see-
To gaze and to watch and to wait for Her

Whose subjects and lovers they be.

Sons and lovers and subjects all,

The high and the low together-
From Princes that ride in the festival
To us in the crowd who but shout and gaze;

Rendering, every man and all,
Thanks to our God for her lengthened days

And the nation's festival.


30 Hark! what is this which hushes the crowd ?

A sound of silence amid the noise ; The sweep of a pause through the plaudits loudA moment, a stillness, a start, a stir

The great heart of the multitude Holding its breath as it waits for Her,

One being in all the crowd.

She is coming, is coming! the Queen! the Queen!

Here is our moment in all the day.
One voice for all, and the air serene
Quivers, as if a storm blew by:

A little more, and there had been
Gates burst apart in the very sky,
To hear a whole nation shouting on high-
The Queen! the Queen! the Queen!

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