ever their effect on its identity, may obviate its difficulties, and bring its good intentions to a happy issue. With regard to the other points which have entered directly into the understanding, they suggest no ground for despondency to those who have all along been upholding, as they best could, the cause of freedom in the East. This, however, should never be forgotten: in proportion as the new provinces are few and large, will Russian influence be disarmed. Every addition to their number, and reduction of their force, gives a new opening for diplomatic intrigue, and sows the seeds of future trouble. Apart from all prejudice, the delimitation of Bulgaria ought to be founded upon the facts of ethnical distribution; and those facts are as yet imperfectly known. There is to be, we are informed, an autonomous Bulgaria north of the Balkans, and a semi-autonomous Bulgaria to the south. If the Hellenic populations prefer some qualified retention of direct relations with Constantinople to absorption in a tributary Slavonian state, it is hardly for us to demur. It would however be a serious fault in the new adjustments if any lump, so to speak, of territory really Slavonic and Bulgarian were against its will to be severed from connection with its ethnical centre, and still more so if that district were the very district, which was the scene of the outrages of 1876 and 1877. But upon the whole we may trust that a justice will be done to the Hellenic regions, which the Treaty of San Stefano certainly appears to withhold from them; and we must not hastily assume that this justice will necessarily entail a simultaneous wrong upon any of the Slavonian populations. The understanding as to Armenia calls for no remark; and the more definite the conditions of the War-indemnity can be made, the better it will be for all parties. Next as to the subjects omitted in the revelation partially vouchsafed to us. We need not wonder that we do not hear of the Danube, which it is believed that the Government do not conceive ever to have been menaced in its freedom; or of the Straits, with respect to which they have long since taken up the only rational position, and declared that the question must be dealt with by European concert; or of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for as to these Russia has all along, from the necessity of the case, acknowledged, or not denied, that Austria, their immediate neighbour, had a paramount interest, and must principally determine what should be done. As to the Hellenic Provinces, we cannot surely err in the belief that, if they are not named, it is because there has been a perfect accord of the two Powers in the desire and intention to give full effect, at the least, to all that the Treaty of San Stefano stipulates on their behalf, and therefore no need to deal with them in communications, which had reference only to the modification or reduction of that Treaty. The omission of the slice of Bessarabian territory from the 'understanding' is more ominous, and conveys important lessons. It was transferred to Roumania in 1856 in conformity, so far as the facts are known, with the nationality of the inhabitants. It is now to be carried back to Russia by an arbitrary arrangement between belligerents. In securing this small and thoroughly illegitimate object, Russia has spent much of the strength, which she might and ought to have used in fortifying her position for the defence of the great liberating aims of the war. Instead of this, at the most critical moment, when the whole leverage to be used against her depended upon a balance of military considerations, she drove five millions. of Roumanians, whose territory commanded her communications, out of her alliance, and into the ranks of any or all who would oppose her. Her conduct is to be severely censured, in point alike of prudence and of principle. But what of ours? It sharply illustrates the folly of our trusting to separate, instead of European, action upon Russia. Had we gone at once into Congress, we might have rallied, on this question, all the Powers except Austria, which never yet lifted a hand for freedom, and which (we are told) has long ago let Russia know that the Bessarabian affair was not an Austrian interest. But now we have apparently shut ourselves out, by a prior act, from a determined resistance to Russia on this subject, or on any other omitted from the understanding.' We have thus prevented such a concert of authority as might have been effectual in inducing Russia to desist from a proceeding, of which the injustice. is as gross, as the profit is insignificant. There remains the case of Montenegro. She has beaten her Turkish enemy in the field. Will she beat her Austrian enemy in the Cabinet? It is idle to plead honourable or moral considerations: the question is, what is the present position and power of Austria? Three months ago, Russia, after portentous efforts, found herself in a position at once of victory and of peril. The circumstances still made Turkey her enemy potentially and in will. Austria, from similar causes, was half an enemy already, and might be a whole one. She was sure to exact from Russia as much as her power permitted ; and the measure of her power was inversely as the amount of pressure upon Russia from other quarters. In this state of things, we threw ourselves, provisionally, into the pro-Turkish and pro-Austrian scale. But all through this complicated affair we have been far more dangerous to our friends, than to our enemies. Relying upon her seeing us already committed against Russia, she spurned the overtures of that Power, and seemed, amidst the applause of London journals, to dismiss General Ignatieff with a fool's cap on his head. Strong in what she thought her back-ground, she raised her terms to a point that Russia could not stand, and among them, it is believed, her VOL. III.-No. 16. 4 H terms respecting Montenegro, which the strictest considerations of honour bound and astricted Russia to befriend. She forgot, it seems, that the utmost she could force Russia to do was to make a choice between England and herself, and close with the State that might appear the least unreasonable. She believed the assertion of our metropolitan newspapers, that our vital interests were involved in oversetting the treaty of San Stefano. Perhaps the famous despatch of Lord Salisbury rivetted this delusion. The consequence has been that Russia turned towards England, and that, once brought face to face, the two parties found that after all they had but little to contend about; so they have agreed. Austria has outwitted herself. She is wounded by the shaft (to follow Lord Byron's metaphor) which is winged with her own feather. I will not attempt to decide whether it is an eagle's quill, or the quill of another bird. But, at all events, the course of the English Government and people on the entire question of the Christian liberties is now clear, if they are united. To Austria, beyond the obligations of universal justice, we owe absolutely nothing. With Russia, so says authority, we are agreed. To Turkey we should positively be doing injury by maintaining her in the nominal exercise of any powers, except such as she can peacefully and permanently enjoy. The Congress will have before it, at the best, a most difficult and complicated work. Every hope of completeness and durability must depend upon its being executed in the spirit of a paramount regard for local liberties, and based upon their amplitude and solidity. In the whole range of the Eastern countries, there is no single claim comparable in its sacredness to the claim of Montenegro, which demands the means of national respiration by being permitted to enjoy the fruit of her own labours in an access to the sea. If Antivari be unsuitable, let Austria restore to her the port of Cattaro, so cruelly taken from her with our dishonourable complicity. The conduct of our Government in regard to Montenegro will be a crucial test. I cannot doubt they will fearlessly follow at once the justice and the reason of the case. It will be taken by the country as a sufficient assurance that, in the whole matter, the weight of England will be thrown into the scale of justice and of freedom. Our past controversies will then be forgotten like the sorrows of a child. It will be seen that neither domestic nor foreign jealousies are allowed to impair the moral force of the nation. Every sordid aim is in itself a weakness; and alike for our smaller controversies in England, and for the vast interests of the suffering millions in the East, a cloudy and a stormy day will end in the serenity of a golden sunset. May 28, 1878. W. E. GLADSTONE. INDEX TO VOL. III. The titles of articles are printed in italics. ABS ABSOLUTION, by the Dean of Adler (Rabbi Hermann), Can Jews be - Prof. Goldwin Smith's reply to, 875– Eschylus, Agamemnon, transcribed by BRA Atomicities, chemical doctrine of, 724 Air (Atmospheric), liquefaction of, by BABBAGE'S experiment with muria- Cailletet, 557 Albert, Prince Consort, his views on army organisation, 112-114 Alliance of the three Emperors a dynas- Society, 457-474; II. Politics, Andrews (Thomas), on the relation be- Appeal (Court of Criminal), great need Arch (Joseph), Labourers and the Vote, Armenia, How the Turks rule, by Dr. Armies of Russia and Austria, by Gene- Army (English), 14, 97–114, 433-456 - (French), 6 - - (Prussian), 3, 106, 355, 449 tic acid, 550 Barracks, English objection to, 98, 443 tablished without the sanction of Barry (Rev. Canon), The Good and Evil - Spontaneous Generation, a Reply, Beaconsfield (Earl of), a member of the - his opinion on Colonial policy, 1076 Belief, Prof. Clifford's views on the Bell (George Joseph), Mrs. Siddons as Birmingham Liberal Association, or the Blachford's (Lord), article on the - Lord Blachford and Mr. Lowe, The Arnold (Arthur), Business Aspect of Bland's (Mr.) Silver Bill, 771 Disestablishment, 733-756 Asia, Russian conquests in, beneficial to Brassey (Thomas), Round the World in YAILLETET (Louis) liquefies acety- CAIL - lene and nitric oxide, 553-554 liquefies nitrogen and atmospheric vaporises oxygen, hydrogen, and ni- Canada, The Political Destiny of, by Sir Chauvin (Marie von), experiments on Chesney (Colonel George), The Value ᎠᎪᏞᎬ Christians and Mussulmans, relations between, in Turkey, 982 Church's (Rev. A.) Stories from Homer, Church, The Law of Unity in the Chris- - Mr. Forster's Defence of the Church, Disestablishment of the Church of Church and State, Readjustment of, by Cirey, description of, 1060-1061 ALE (R. W.), Impressions of De Vere (Sir Aubrey), his poems, De Vere (Aubrey), Alexander the his poetical and prose works, noticed, 'The Fall of Rosa, the Search after Dicey (Edward), England's Policy at the - his charges against the Khedive of |