the warmest and most determined zealots in the caufe; nor were they awakened from this delufion till the bufinefs was over, when their opinion and action were become as useless as their repentance.

But that great power which overruled all others in the kingdom, that turbulent metropolis which contained within its old walls a very numerous and a moft peculiar nation, was not only fufficient to turn but directed the management of the fcale in all cafes as it liked. Paris, therefore, little needed the aid of Rennes in Brittany, and feveral other of the more confiderable cities and towns, which having received the fame republican bias, were, however inferior in ftrength, fcarcely lefs zealous in the caufe.

One of the questions which arofe upon this fubject, and which was the longeft and the most violently agitated, both within and without the affembly, was that relative to the king's veto, or negative, upon the paffing of laws. The difference between the two parties upon this queftion was fo wide, that it seemed fcarcely poffible they could ever meet or unite; for while one brought ftrong reasons to fhew that this authority in the crown was indifpenfably neceffary to the public intereft, in order to preserve a check upon the tumultuary nature of public affemblies, and prevent their paffing not only without due confideration, but under the influence perhaps of the most fudden and outrageous paf fions, laws, which from their abfurdity, their iniquity, or impolicy, might draw on national difgrace, public injuftice, or even foreign danger. On the other fide, the retaining of this power in the king's hands, it was reprefented, would be

the means of overthrowing every thing that had yet been done for the liberty and good of the people; that by this negative, without af figning reafon or motive for his conduct, he might obftruct those measures which were of the highest utility to the people, merely to favour the intrigues of his court, or the machinations of his ministers; that by thus impeding or arresting the operations of the affembly, the great work of regeneration, which the people now fo confidently expected, would be rendered impracticable, and all their hopes fruftrated; that if the ill effects of this dangerous power did not even immediately take place, they would not be the lefs certain when the proper feafon arrived for their operation; that when the prefent vigilance of the people and their reprefentatives was relaxed, and means ufed to lull them into a fatal fecurity, then the king might fuddenly, at his pleasure, inflict a paralytic ftroke upon the legislative body, which would difable and render it totally ufelefs. And that, in fact, this veto was a never-failing inftrument of tyranny, and the most odious and dangerous relick of ancient defpotifm which could poffibly be retained.

The question was branched out into feveral parts. After they had been occupied in the first inftance to make fuch provifion as fhould prevent the operation of the veto with refpect to the acts of the prefent affembly, the clear difcernment of Mounier thewed that this was mere waite of time, the fubject not admitting of a question; for the prefent aflembly being appointed by the nation, for the special purpose of framing a conftitution, it was [C2]

thereby

apprehend; and a fecond explofion like that of the Baftile feemed already in view. The king's veto was, however, the present oftenfible caufe of tumult. If that was allowed, the clergy and nobles, they cried, will renew all their power; "We must act, and inftantly too, elfe, in three days, France will "be enslaved." In the height of this ferment, two violent refolutions, which were tranfmitted from the towns of Rennes and Dinant, produced a fimilar effect to what a large quantity of oil poured upon a fire already raging might have

done.

In this ftate of things the king, ever difpofed to accommodate and conciliate, in the hope of reftoring quiet, and if poffible of establish ing good temper, determined to foften matters with refpect to the veto; a conceffion which came the better from him, as the affembly were involved in a fort of a dilemma from their own past declaration, that his fanction was neceffary to the paffing of laws, fo that they could not with any propriety proceed to thofe extremities on the fubject, which the most violent of the republican party wifhed. Neckar was accordingly difpatched to the affembly with a memoire, propofing a veto which fhould only have the power of fufpending laws during one or two legislatures. This

was received with evident fatisfaction, excepting by fome of the most violent of thofe who fupported (not the king, but) the fovereignty, who would not admit any modification of the veto, and infifted that he had been ill advised by his minifters in propofing the conceffion. They being, however, over-ruled, it was at length agreed, that the king

fhould have the power to fufpend a law during two legislatures; but, that if the third affembly perfifted in it, he fhould then be obliged to give his fanction.

It was a curious circumftance in Mirabeau's conduct, that while he fupported the royal veto with the utmost vehemence of his character, and that one of the best speeches he ever made was upon that ground, his emiffaries in Paris were in-. ftructed to perfuade the people that he oppofed it with all his might; and to fupport the delufion, he took care to quit the affembly just before the divifion, that his vote might not appear as a record against it.

Another bufinefs of not lefs importance underwent at the fame time a courfe of long and great difcuffion. This was, "whether the national "affembly should be compofed of "one or two chambers?" The committee of conftitution had already given their opinion upon this fubject, by recommending a fenate and a houfe of reprefentatives, each of which fhould poffefs a negative upon the proceedings of the other. This, or fomething like it, bearing fome resemblance to the British conftitution, was, as we have formerly feen, the favourite fcheme with Lally, Clermont, and the other leaders of the moderate party, who, equally zealous with the republicans, for the establishment of a free government, confidered a limited monarchy, with a conftitution fo formed as that the principal parts fhould operate as mutual and perpetual checks upon each other, as affording the faireft profpect for the attainment and permanence of that object.

It may be eafily understood, that the party who now held all power exclusively

to which certain cowardly members were liable. The affembly, according to its established cuftom in all cales relative to that people, pafied over the infults of the Parifians, without fhewing the fmalleft fpirit, and thereby became liable to the neceffary confequence, of being expofed to fill greater infults in future. For fome time paft, but particularly fince the late animofities which had arifen among the parties, ftories of plots and confpiracies had been moft unaccountably spread through every part of the kingdom, and deeply affected the minds of the people. Some of thefe were charged directly upon the court, among which the intended efcape of the king and the royal family from Veriailles to Metz, formed the principal figure. Others were charged upon the ariftocratic party, who were fuppofed to intend the reftoration of the king to his former power, merely to render him an initrument for the attainment of their own ends, and for further fecuring what they attained. How far thefe plots were real or pretended, it is impoffible at prefent to decide. There certainly never was a period or a country in which fabrications of this fort, however falfe, and however palpably inconfiftent and abfurd, would have been received with greater avidity, or credited with lefs enquiry, than France at this time. It is likewife to be remembered, that ideas of plots were at this time highly neceffary to the prevailing party; and we have feen, that they poffeffed means, which have not often been equalled, of making fuch impreffions on the public mind as they deemed neceffary.

On the other hand, it would be idle to fuppofe, that the multitude

of men, whofe fituation and condition in life had been fo fuddenly and totally changed, must not be much difcontented, and that they would not readily embrace any wellfounded fcheme for the recovery of what they had loft; fo that we may take it for granted, that there would have been an abundance of plotters, if there had been any feasible plot formed. But the total defect of evidence to prove the existence of any, at a time when the difcovery was fo eagerly fought, and fo much depended on the proof, ftrongly indicate that these reports and alarms were mere political fabrications, calculated to anfwer certain purpofes, and to produce certain obvious effects. Indeed the ftate of public affairs, the temper that prevailed throughout the country, and the arms in the hands of the perfantry, all concurred in rendering it impoffible for the ariftocrates to form any rational and well-founded scheme, for the prefent recovery of their affairs. It is not to be doubted but that they were guilty of great indifcretions; and that in their cups, through their habitual loofenefs of fpeech, and natural turn for boafting, they faid many things which they never thought of when fober. This was in character, and to be expected.

The reports, however, produced the fame effect in one refpect, as if the plots had been real, by exciting a great and general ferment through the nation. it was not to be expected that the Parifians, ever credulous, and ever fufpicious, fhould be the laft that were thus affected. Every thing began to bear a molt dangerous appearance in that city, and all who had witneffed their late violences, had every thing now to [C 3] apprehend;

apprehend; and a fecond explofion like that of the Baftile feemed already in view. The king's veto was, however, the prefent oftenfible cause of tumult. If that was allowed, the clergy and nobles, they cried, will renew all their power; "We must act, and inftantly too, elfe, in three days, France will "be enflaved." In the height of this ferment, two violent refolutions, which were tranfmitted from the towns of Rennes and Dinant, produced a fimilar effect to what a large quantity of oil poured upon a fire already raging might have done.

In this ftate of things the king, ever difpofed to accommodate and conciliate, in the hope of restoring quiet, and if poffible of establish ing good temper, determined to foften matters with refpect to the veto; a conceffion which came the better from him, as the affembly were involved in a fort of a dilemma from their own paft declaration, that his fanction was neceffary to the paffing of laws, fo that they could not with any propriety proceed to thofe extremities on the fubject, which the most violent of the republican party wifhed. Neckar was accordingly difpatched to the affembly with a memoire, propofing a veto which fhould only have the power of fufpending laws during one or two legislatures. This was received with evident fatisfaction, excepting by fome of the moft violert of thofe who fupported (not the king, but) the fovereignty, who would not admit any modification of the veto, and infifted that he had been ill advised by his minifters in propofing the conceffion. They being, however, over-ruled, it was at length agreed, that the king

fhould have the power to fufpend a law during two legiflatures; but, that if the third affembly perfifted in it, he fhould then be obliged to give his fanction.

It was a curious circumftance in Mirabeau's conduct, that while he fupported the royal veto with the utmost vehemence of his character, and that one of the best speeches he ever made was upon that ground, his emiffaries in Paris were inftructed to perfuade the people that he oppofed it with all his might; and to fupport the delufion, he took care to quit the affembly just before the divifion, that his vote might not appear as a record against it.

Another bufinefs of not lefs importance underwent at the fame time a courfe of long and great difcuffion. This was, "whether the national "affembly should be compofed of "one or two chambers?" The committee of conftitution had already given their opinion upon this fubject, by recommending a fenate and a houfe of representatives, each of which fhould poffefs a negative upon the proceedings of the other. This, or fomething like it, bearing fome refemblance to the British conftitution, was, as we have formerly feen, the favourite scheme with Lally, Clermont, and the other leaders of the moderate party, who, equally zealous with the republicans, for the establishment of a free government, confidered a limited monarchy, with a conftitution fo formed as that the principal parts fhould operate as mutual and perpetual checks upon each other, as affording the fairest profpect for the attainment and permanence of that object.

It may be easily understood, that the party who now held all power exclufively

exclusively in their own hands, and ruled the nation as they willed, without any responsibility upon their conduct, were little difpofed to fubmit to the laying of any checks or reftraints upon their proceedings. It would have been as if the long parliament in England, after abolishing the houfe of lords, had then appointed another body to be its fubftitute in controlling their own arts. It is faid, and the fact is affirmed to be now publicly known, that the influence, public opinion, and patriotic difinterefted character of the leaders of the moderate party, having rendered their fanction and countenance highly neceffary in many of the late arrangements, they had been artfully amused and led along with an idea that their favourite scheme of two chambers and of mutual checks was fo

distinct from that of the reprefentatives of the people at large was branded with the name of ariftocracy; and fenates were rendered odious by being indifcriminately compared to that of Venice. A ichim likewife arofe, as ufual, among thofe parties, who were bound by every principle of reafon and policy to have acted with one accord; most of the nobility and clergy voting against the measure, because they thought it would entirely preclude the renewal at any future time, of their old favourite fyllem of fitting in three orders. The very reason, if it had been valid, why the friends of the new conftitution should have fupported the measure.

Under all these circumftances, within and without, the question of one or two chambers was finally put to the vote, when

that in fettling the conftitution it muft be generally agreed to.

It is not to be forgotten, that the minds of the people had been already poifoned in an extreme degree upon the fubject of the three chambers, which they were taught to confider as the great land-marks of defpotifm, and as utterly incompatible with every scheme of reform, and every principle and hope of liberty. This prejudice was eafily directed against any plurality of chambers; against two, as well as against any greater number. It was like the cry of "A mad dog!" The people accordingly took a moft decided part in the bufinefs; efpecially thofe in the galleries, and the Parifians. They must be fceptical indeed who are in any great doubt, whether prefent means were wanting to excite this fermentation. Even in the affembly, every power

members voted for two chambers, against a majority of above nine hundred. Although it is evident that the measure muft have been rejected without any external violence, yet it is not incurious to fee the freedom of fuffrage which prevailed in this new temple of liberty. Of this, exclufive of lifts of profcription and incendiary letters, we have two fpecific inftances: The firft is from Lally Tolendal, who afferts, that feveral members of the popular fide faid to him individually," Would you have me expofe my wife and children to be murdered by the mob?"-The second is from Mounier, who declares, that different members came to him to beg certificates that they had not given unpopular votes, as they had heard their country feats were to be burnt.

The affembly likewife decreed, that the legislative body fhould be [C 4]

renewed