We have thus given a full abstract of this long effay in order to do justice to the author and the reader at once. Nor fhall we now stop, to mark any improprieties of language, or to note any weakneffes of argument, in it. And we fhall only add, that the whole is ill-written and feeble, but curious, learned, and inftructive *. II. Reafons for doubting whether the Genii of particular Perfons, or Lares properly fo called, be really Panthea. By Francis Philip Gourdin, a Benedictine,' &c. With all refpect to this learned foreigner we must say, that we can hardly fee the aim and scope of his effay. He fets out with this question, What is it that conftitutes a Pantheum?' He adds, that upon this point we have nothing but conjecture to guide us.' He therefore conjectures. And he terminates his conjectures thus: it appears therefore not eafy to determine, what the ancients meant by thofe expreffions, figna • Panthea, divus Pantheus.' And fo far he ends juft as he began, and In fefe volvitur annus. He then proceeds to what has given denomination to his effay. 'Let us inquire,' he fays, if this appellation belong to the Dii Lares properly fo called, to the domeftic gods.' But why does he proceed to examine the point? Has he any reason for thinking it does? No! I think,' he fays, I have fome reafon to doubt it does.' But it appears afterwards, that M. Baudelot has thought fo. And an author, who writes only to his own ideas at the moment, and does not let his reader into the same secret with himself, is very naturally punished by feeming to write riddles for his reader. He thus proceeds in ftating his doubts, against M. Baudelot's opinion. With a little impropriety of language, that is very excufable in a foreigner, he ends them thus: This is no longer neceffary to conclude, that the doubts I have fuggefted are just and well-founded.' The conclufion of them all is this, that the appellation of Pantheum, as applied to a god by the ancients, fignifies the god to have the various fymbols or attributes of other gods given to him. I fhall not here repeat,' he subjoins at the close, that it is a more eafy, more natural, and fimple folution, to look upon those attributes as fymbols.' He * In p. 33 the words he, however, thought proper to confent," which are annexed to note h, belong to note i thus thus comes at last to the very point, which he incidentally mentions in a note at the beginning: the words pantheum, pan'theon, and panthea, may probably fignify fuch gods, as have the fymbols or attributes of feveral deities belonging to them; fee Dictionaire de Mythologie.'*. And the conduct of the essay appears still stranger than before. This, no doubt, is the true, as it is the common, explication of the term. A variety of evidences unite to fhew it. In fome infcriptions, which are annexed to this effay; and annexed by Mr. Gough, we prefume; the term pantheus is applied exprefsly to Silvanus: while in another of thefe infcriptions, and in a third fupplied by the Benedictine himself, we have Silvanus as exprefsly diftinguished from the divus pantheus; the legend running thus, Silvano et divo pantheo +. The term is alfo applied to Bacchus, as well as Silvanus ; and to Auguftus, as well as both §. We have even the words 'fignum pantheum' or 'fignum panthei ||,' in some inscriptions; which can mean only a ftatue, dreft up with the attributes or fymbols of other gods. And what confirms the whole, and in our opi nion settles the matter at once, is a paffage in Dion Caffius, that was first produced by Horfley for the purpose. This fays, that Drufilla was called Panthea.'Why?' from the variety of divine honours, which her brother Caligula ordered to be paid to her after her death **,' But the main aim of the effay we believe to be this, to prove in oppofition to M. Baudelot, that the houshold gods, however dreft up as panthei, were not confounded with the fuperiour gods fo dreft. We fhall not enter into the difpute. We fhall only cite two or three paffages, that shew the earnestness of our author in the cause, or carry fome curious notices with them: I have undertaken,' he fays, to folve one of the greatest problems, which the ftudy of pagan theology affords.'The dog-fkin, which covers the greater part of the pretended Panthea, leaves no room to doubt, that they were Genii or Deæ Matres: antiquarians are univerfally agreed in this opi <nion: Vincent Chatardi, whofe Italian work has been tranflated into Latin by Ant. du Verdier,-after having faid the fame thing, adds, that evil genii were cloathed with the skin of a wolf. These are notions, we apprehend, little familiarifed to the minds of our British antiquaries at prefent. We, for our part, profefs to have heard as little of this dog-fkin or this wolf-fkin cloathing, on the statues of the heathen gods, as we *P.45 + P. 57 and 45. ** P. 57. L 4 ‡ P. 46. § P. 57. have have of Du Verdier or Chatardi. And we thank the learned Benedictine, for the curious information. There was in every house,' he adds, at least in houses of any distinction, a fanctuary called Penetrale, in which were placed the Lares properly fo called; whence it took the name of Lararium. We find in Athenagoras a defcription of Lararia of that sort. It is thus expressed in an ancient tranflation; which is the more valuable, as the original appears to be loft. At the request of his hoftefs, the Poletes carried her thither, being followed by one of his maid fervants into a closet, after having paffed through a long alley, which ferved as a paffage and entry to two or three rooms following one another. That place ५ was only twelve feet square, vaulted with ftone, and very dark; fo that it was with great difficulty one could difcover the form of those Penates, which were made of wood, two feet high, and placed in two niches. They reprefented two young men, and were covered with dog-fkins; before them food a small altar,' &c. This defcription of the family-chapel, in all houfes of diftinction among the heathens, is infinitely amufing to our minds at prefent. And it might fuggeft a variety of religious and philofophical fpeculation. But we leave them, to close our remarks on the effay, by noting one grofs mistake in it, concerning this family-chapel. The Lararium,' he fays, was a place confecrated to prayer ♦ and facrifice; which they addreffed not only to the Lares, but alfo to the greater gods; fince the Poletes' gueft was defirous of returning thanks to Neptune, whofe image was not to be feen there* The greater gods, therefore, were equally as the Lares addreffed with prayer and facrifice, in the Lararium. Yet, in direct contradiction to this affertion and this proof, he intimates the greater gods not to have been worshipped there. Though the Lararium was a place,' he fays, particularly fet apart for the particular worship of the houfhold gods; they placed there not only their images, but those of the Dii MaAnd he affirms pofitively, that they alfo kept there, jores t.' as in a place of fecurity,' how ftrange! the flatues of respect able men, without paying them any worship. Yet his own reference to Neptune before, and his own authority at the moment, unite to prove the contrary. Juvenal, as cited by himself, fays that Jupiter was worshipped with the Lares: · Hic noftrum placabo Jovem, laribufque paternis * P.55. + P. 55. ↓ P. 56. § P. 55. Suetonius Suetonius alfo, as equally cited by himself, fays of L. Vitellius, father to the emperor of the fame name; that Narciffi quoque et Pallantis imagines aureus inter Lares coluit*. And the following paffage of Lampridius,' which is brought in order abfolutely to prove' the non worship of the ftatues of men in the Lararium; actually proves the worship. Alexander Severus, fays the hiftorian, primúm fi facultus effet, id eft, fi non cum • muliere cubuiffet!!! matutinis horis in Larario fuo (in quo et divos principes, fed optimos, electos, et animas fanctiores, in " queis et Apollonium, et, quantum fcriptor fuorum temporum • dicit, Chriftum, Abraham, et Orpheum, et hujufcemodi deos, habebat, ac majorum effigies) rem divinam faciebat +,' The Lares, the greater gods, and deified mortals, were all equally worshipped there. On the whole, M. Gourdin appears to us as an author, wellread, inquifitive, and learned, but not bleft with that clearness of conception, which alone can form the ftores of erudition into order; and not happy in that accuracy of expofition, which almost always accompanies the other. Verbaque provifam rem non invita fequentur. [To be continued. ] ART. II. The Life of Frederick the Second, King of Prussia. To which are added Obfervations, authentic Documents, and a Variety of Anecdotes. Tranflated from the French. 8vo. 2 vols. 14s. boards. Debrett. London, 1789. [ Continued. ] ΤΗ HE war of feven years occupies the fifth period of the work under review, commencing with the year 1756 and ending in 1763. Of the hiftory of this remarkable war, and the nego ciations which preceded it, we fhall offer a fhort and general account. We with rather to haften to thofe more pleafing details which present this extraordinary king, not in the vulgar light of a great conqueror, but as a prudent legiflator, and as the father of an improving people. This bloody and implacable war tooks its rife in a confpiracy formed between the courts of Vienna, Petersburgh, and Saxony, to fubvert the rifing grandeur of the Pruffian monarchy. It appeared, from letters intercepted by the king, that thefe negociations had proceeded even to an actual fettlement refpecting the eventual partition of his states at the conclufion of the intended war. The French and the Swedes took alfo a decided part against him. Thus formidably furrounded on all fides, Frederick prepared himself with great refolution and compofure to maintain the combat; and, being aware that the local fituation of his states impofed upon him the neceffity of attacking his enemies in their own dominions, he boldly refolved to commence hoftilities, and accordingly entered Saxony with forty thousand men. Drefden opened her gates, and Saxony was fubdued without a blow. The poffeffion of Saxony was of the utmost importance to Frederick in a war with Auftria, as it formed at the fame time a communication and barrier between Brandenburgh and Silefia. This was, indeed, an aufpicious beginning of the war; but various fucceffes attended its progrefs, till it terminated at last in establishing, above the terror of Austrian machinations and conspiracies, the glory and renown of Pruffia and her monarch; but without producing any material changes in the condition of Europe, or any acceffion of empire to particular states, which had promised themselves confiderable advantages from its final iffue. All were disappointed but the valiant prince for whofe ruin it was undertaken; he had never entertained any views beyond the preservation of thofe conquefts which had been the fruits of former wars. His aftonishing refolution and inexhauftible refources, feemed only to exafperate his enemies; and before the end of the seven years war, mens minds were perceptibly hardened; honour and humanity, and all the gallantries of war, became lefs and lefs confulted and revered, while the fhades of barbarity grew continually darker as thefe amiable courtefies retired. Attacked and haraffed from fo many quarters, Pruffia might perhaps have at laft been crushed by the accumulated weight, had the not experienced in Great-Britain a potent and stedfast ally. In the autumn of 1757 Mr. Fox, who had been raised to the firft office of power by the intrigues of the Duke of Cumberland, refigned; and the country paid a willing obedience to the counfels of Mr. Pitt, who fucceeded to his place. The difpofition of that great and virtuous statesman led him to admire the character of the Pruffian monarch, and he found little difficulty in perfuading the people that it was the foundest policy to fupport him against his numerous enemies. The King of England was prevailed upon to request the affistance of Prince Ferdinand from his Pruffian majefty, and to place that accomplifhed general at the head of the allied army. The advantages which England might have drawn from the war fhe maintained against France and Spain, during this bufy and boisterous period, are generally known and acknowledged; a war in which, by her fuperior valour, fhe won the following important acquifitions 7 |