weighed in the balance with the claims of humanity; and that means. will be found to reconcile thofe jarring appeals by prudence, moderation, and justice.

ART. 21.

Doubts concerning the Legality of Slavery in any Part of the British Dominions. 8vo. 6d. Stockdale. London, 1789. Though this author veils his opinion under the modeft appellation of Doubts, he he fitates not to affirm very confidently that flavery cannot, confiftently with the laws of Britain, be tolerated in any. part of its dominions. The doctrine is plaufible, and perhaps, in reality, well founded; but we doubt, in our turn, whether the judicial authority, in the Weft-India islands could, according to the prefent fyftem, be competent to render it effectual towards the abolition of flavery.

ART. 22. Slavery no Oppression; or, Some new Arguments and Opinions against the Idea of African Liberty. Dedicated to the Committee of the Company that trade to Africa. 8vo. Is. Lowndes. London, 1789,

The author of this pamphlet urges that the Africans are naturally a people lazy, ferocious, turbulent, and brutish in their appetites; in fhort, that they are neither qualified for intellectual improvements, nor, if we rightly understand him, even worthy the attentions of humanity. There is reafon, however, to think that his prejudice, as a planter, has improperly influenced his judgment; and we can more readily admit, but likewife with fome abatement, the arguments which he advances to evince that the abolition of flavery would be in the highest degree impolitic.

ART. 23. Afhort and impartial Review of the Year 1788. 8vo. 15. Hookham. London, 1788.

The production of some party enthufiaft, whofe imagination broods on the political occurrences in the end of the last, and the beginning of the prefent, year. The author is a fanatical worshipper of the rifing fun; and to its genial influence (for of the moon he feems to have enough) we compaffionately recommend him.

ART. 24. An Hiftorical Sketch of Prerogative and Influence. In a Letter to a Friend. 12mo. 25 6d. Robinsons. London, 1788. Prerogative and influence are natural attendants of the executive power; and one or other of them has, in all ages, been the prevailing object of public jealoufy. The author of the prefent inquiry traces the hiftory of prerogative through its various interruptions and gradations, from the Norman conqueft to the Revolution in the last century, when it received the final restraints of its future exertions. At this important period fucceeded the influence of the crown; the origin and progrefs of which the author likewife delineates with much juftnefs of hiftorical obfervation.

ART. 25. An Anfwer to the Country Gentleman's Letter to a Member of Parliament; with a Review of the Characters of the Dukes of Norfolk, Portland, and Northumberland; the Houfes of Devonshire and Ruffel; Lords Thurlow, Camden, Loughborough, Kenyon, and North; to which are added thofe of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan; Dukes of Richmond and Leeds, and the Marquis of Buchkingbam; Lords Chatham, Sydney, and Hawkesbury; Sir George Yonge and Mr. Dundas: with an Addrefs to to the King. 8vo. 2s. Kearsley. London, 1789.

The Letter from a Country Gentleman fhewed the author to be well acquainted with the character of parties, and the political hiftory of the times. In the prefent Anfwer, which is a kind of parody on the former production, the country gentleman's obfervations are reverfed; but we cannot fay with any ftrength of argument or justnefs of perfonal application.

ART. 26. A Complete Abflract of the Statute Law, as it now ftands, relating to Tobacco and Snuff; containing all the Duties both of Cuftoms and Excife, with the Drawbacks due upon the Exportation of each Article, and the Credits allowed in the Manufacture; with the Laws relating to the Importation, Exportation, Manufacture, and Sale, of each Article; and the Refrictions impofed upon, and the Privileges granted to, the Manufacturers of, and Dealers in, Tobacco and Snuff. The whole exhibited in a clear and familiar Manner. 8vo. 2s. fewed. Johnfon. London, 1789.

This Abftract affords a general view of the whole fyftem of the laws in this country, relative to the article of tobacco; and, to render it more useful to the reader, it is furnished with a copious index.

(

DIVINITY.

ART. 27 The Divinity and Pre Existence of our Lord and Saviour Jefus Chrift demonftrated from Scripture, in Anfwer to Dr. Priestley. By John Parkhurst, M. A. formerly Fellow of Clare-Hall, Cambridge. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Payne. London, 1789.

The peculiar fpecies of theological temerity and dogmatism which of late years has been cherished and matured under the tutelary ge nius and patronage of fceptical men, provokes the friends of truth to ftand forth in its defence, and to vary their posture as often as the method of attack is changed. In Mr. Parkhurft they have raised an antagonist who traces their erroneous notions to an ignorance of fcripture. It is rather unfortunate for the unitarian hypothefis that any reference in its behalf was ever made to the original language of the Old Teftament, as it would feem, from the moit cursory view of the prefent ftate of literature, that the best Hebrew scholars are, în general, the most orthodox Chriftians. There cannot be a stronger inftance in point than the article under confideration. Every evasion to which Dr. Priestley has recourfe in the progrefs of his objections to the divinity and pre-existence of Jefus Chrift, is here detected and refuted with a decency, a perfpicuity, and a pertinence, which do

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honour

honour to our author's abilities. In the poftfcript the affertions and quibbles of Mr. Wakefield, a strenuous abettor of the Pelagian herefy, are also examined and expofed. In fhort, we deem our author's talents and erudition refpectable. Chriftianity has found him a faithful and zealous friend, the Oriental languages an intelligent interpreter, and the Church of England an able and judicious advocate.

ART. 28. An Efay on the Transfiguration of Chrift. Svo. is. Rivingtons. London, 1789.

This ingenious performance throws confiderable light on a paffage in the hiftory of our Saviour hitherto not well understood. The transfiguration of Chrift, according to the author, was not intended merely to surprise and amuse the difciples. The two great and leading objects to which the whole fplendid tranfaction feems to have been directed were, to fet before the eyes of those who had the privilege to be spectators, a figurative reprefentation of a future refurrection, and of Chrift's coming in glory to judge the world; and to fignify, at the fame time, by a fpecies of fymbolical exhibition, the ceflation of the Jewish, and commencement of the Christian difpenfation. These points, we think, the author has fatisfactorily made out. His reasoning in both contain several hints which confiderably ftrengthen the evidence of divine revelation. And the peculiar glofs he has given to that famous portion of the facred narrative, renders it, in our judgment, fufceptible of ftill farther improvement and illustration, as implied to that important purpose.

ART. 29. Deep Things of God; or, Milk and Strong Meat ; containing Spiritual and experimental Remarks and Meditations, fuited to the Cafes of Babes, young Men, and Fathers in Chrift, particularly to fuch as are under Trials and Temptations, and who feel the Plague of their own Breafts. 12mo. 2s. boards. Matthews. London, 1789.

This performance, with all its fhew of fanaticifm, is written with much fhrewdnefs. The thoughts, in many cafes, are ingenious, and warm from the heart, and the phrafeology is clear and correct. It is not for Reviewers to answer every doctrine not compatible with their own ideas, but to examine every author by the fyftem he avows. This little work profeffes an exclufive attachment to the doctrines of Calvin, as taught among the Methodifts, who are diftinguished by the name of Whitefieldites. The author's way of ftating his own opinions ftrikes us as not in unifon with his principles. He fays exprefsly, The most profligate and abandoned finners of mankind have as free a welcome to all golpel bleffings, without waiting for any amendment, as the stricteft moralift upon earth.' Surely purity of heart, newness of life, and keeping our garments unfpotted from the world, are gofpel bleffings. It would feem, from the author's idea, that the worst as well as the beft may poffefs all the habits of true holiness as eafily and inftantaneously as a man changes one fuit of clothes for another. The fact is directly otherwife, and in its own nature impoffible. It violates all we know of divine revelation, the nature

of

of man, and the operations of grace. This is not all. Human paffions are never fo fhocking as when mixed with the truths of God. Our author's piety is every where tinctured with afperity and illnature. He affumes the style of a dictator, rather than a disciple of the meek and lowly Jefus. He regards all forts of Chriftians, except thofe of his own communion, with diflike, and treats them with the farcafm and bitterness of a perfecutor. In private he may be a faint, but from the opinions he has published, he appears to us fuch a demagogue and a tyrant, as must bring a certain degree of difcredit even on his own party and his own principles.

ΤΗ HE unfettled ftate of France is ftill, and in all probability will long continue to be, the grand fubject of political and moral obfervation. Liberty, that had been forced to take shelter in the extremities of the earth, returns and raises her standard in the very centre of the civilifed world, whence she will extend her dominion and influence to nations that now lie under darknefs and the fhadow of death. The throne of freedom being once established, the government of France will become ftronger than it ever was, for any length of time in the reign of defpotifin, and the genius of the people ftill more ardent and enterprifing. The chain of authority is strongest when it is voluntary. In forced obedience there is a principle of difcontent and resistance, which only waits for an opportunity of innovation. There is another way in which freedom ftrengthens the authority of government. By encouraging industry it multiplies the public refources; it affords a fund of credit, and the means of taxation.

FURTHER SPECULATIONS.

The French nation are by nature lively, brave, and active. Though they have laboured under tyranny for a period of two hundred years, under an arbitrary government, they are endowed by nature with the independent fpirit, or, in their own language, with the fierté of republicans. The Dutch, on the contrary, though chance has given them a republican form of government,

government, are more tame and fubmiffive by nature, and lefs fenfible of the perfonal dignity and rights of human nature. That people, driven to despair by the oppreffion' of the Spaniards, fought for liberty, not fo much from a defire of being their own mafters, as from a sense of the hardships of flavery. They would never have difputed the defpotic power of Philip the Se cond if he had wielded his fceptre with as gentle a fway as Louis the Sixteenth of France. They were not dissatisfied with their political fituation, they did not complain that they were excluded from all fhare in the legislation; in a word, they envied not the fupreme and uncontrolled power of the monarch; but they dreaded his rapacity. The hiftory of the republic, fubfequent to its emancipation from the Spanish yoke, proves the fame fact. Prince Maurice was foon found to have more numerous partifans than Barnevelt, who, like a wife and good patriot, was as anxious to preserve internal freedom as foreign independence and there have been only a few occafions on which the great body of the people in the Seven United Provinces have not fhewn a difpofition to throw themselves into the arms, and to adore the family of Orange. On the whole, the phlegmatic temper of the Dutch is naturally adapted to a monarchical; the ardour of the French naturally inclines to a free and popular form of government.

INFERENCE.

The inference intended to be drawn from this contrast between the Dutch and French character is, that if the poffeffion of civil, and a finall fhare of political liberty has advanced the Seven United Provinces to a very high pitch of profperity and power, what may not be expected from the French nation when a quick and active constitution of nature is stimulated by the most perfect civil, and a large portion of political liberty, and directed in its efforts by a degree of knowledge unknown to all former ages?

But here it will no doubt be obferved by an intelligent mind, that the iffue of the prefent commotions in France is, as yet, uncertain. This muft indeed be allowed. But in whatever manner it may terminate, it will for certain be favourable in one degree or other, to freedom. It may happen, it probably will happen, that a new conftitution cannot be framed and firmly established on any of those models of abftract perfection which to the metaphyfical genius of France, are objects of fuch fond contemplation. The monarchical fpirit muft ftill be mixed, perhaps it may, after various viciffitudes, even take the lead as formerly, in the affairs of the nation. But it will, beyond all doubt, be tempered and reftrained by fundry checks, dictated

by