13

XXV.

should be right and reasonable, was quietly gliding 12 CHAP. to the mutual improvement of all;13 but the French hierarchy were most deeply and personally interested to disturb this social harmony, from its increasing results to themselves." Unfortunate violences at Vassy began a tempest of evil which shook France, and involved other kingdoms in Europe in quarrel, danger and suffering." The reformed party would

12 Castelnau's criticism on the French reformed clergy is: 'If they had been more grave, and more learned, and of better life, or the greatest part of them, they would have had more followers. But they chose at the outset to blame all the ceremonies of the Roman church, and to administer the sacrament in their fashion, without preserving the moderation which many Protestants observe; as those of England and Germany, who have retained the names of curates, deacons, sub-deans, canons and deans, and wore surplices and long robes, which led the people to an honorable reverence.'

6

13 Castelnau observes, that these opponents induced the Catholic bishops, and other ecclesiastics, to take more care of their flocks and duties; to study the Scriptures, a l'envy des ministres Protestans,' and to preach oftener. The jesuit and mendicant orders went thro the towns and villages, and private houses, exhorting every one against the Protestant doctrine, p. 78. Exertions like these must have been serviceable to the general advancement, and neither party ought to have been allowed to go beyond this mental competition. It was unfortunate for human welfare that the sword of violence should have been resorted to.

"One single fact, mentioned by Henault, sufficiently implies what consequences would have ensued as to the temporal wealth and power of the French papal church, if reforming ideas had spread wider, or gained more proselytes. Charles IX. published fresh letters patent in 1561, to compel all the beneficed clergy in the kingdom to give in an estimate of the income of their livings; but these letters were revoked.' Hen. Abridg. p. 413. We here see the real cause of all the Romish hostility to Protestantism. It was because it led to a diminution of the worldly advantages of the possessioned church, that it was so severely attacked by the existing possessors.

15 The French statesman's account of this event, which brought on all the conflicts that followed, as the duke of Guise often told it to him, comprises these circumstances. On 1 March 1562, the duke of Guise went to dine at Vassy, where about 700 Protestants, of all ages, were listening to a sermon in a barn. Some of his officers, curious to hear it, went to the door, when some words began. Those keeping the door threw stones, and called the duke's people papists and idolaters. His followers came up. The congregation came out, and both sides fought. He went from his dinner to appease the tumult, and with his cloak parried the stones thrown at him. The issue was, that several

11.

18

16

BOOK not believe it to have been accidental: and as the king of Navarre had been allured to desert them, and to unite with the Guises and the constable,' they dreaded the effect of such a menacing coalition, and treasonably surprised and occupied the city of Orleans." On this intemperate violence, an immediate persecution was too eagerly began at Paris against them, and they unwisely resolved to have recourse to arms; a massacre of their friends by some soldiers at Sens, completed their excitement,20 and the court revoking the edict in their favor, and calling out the gend'armerie," they burst into insurrection and possessed themselves of many places, astonishing the government by their numbers, power and successes.22 The papal nuncio pressed for their extermination before they became

19

of the Protestants were killed, and, as he said, to his great regret. p. 82. This is the relation of the chief actor. The representations of the sufferers made it a designed attack, with a large massacre; and terminated all peaceful confidence between the two parties for several generations.

16 Castelnau, 28. The pope's legate had managed 'fort dextrement' to bring this about. He allured the king with hope that Spain would restore him the kingdom of Navarre if he became Catholic, and with the threat, that if he did not, he would lose the succession to that of France, as Julius II. had deposed the ancestor of his wife. ib. 79. 17 Castel. 85. This was done by D'Andelot. It contained a great number of Protestants. ib.

18 Their places of worship, without the walls of Paris, were burnt down. Some ministers were killed, others imprisoned. Many elsewhere were arrested to intimidate others, and several were terrified into conversion. Castel. 85.

19 They met at Orleans, and chose Condé for their chief, who accepted the office. Besides the nobility before mentioned, Castelnau mentions on their side the count de Rochefoucault, and the noble families of Rohan de Bretagne, de Genlis, de Montgommerie, Grammont, Soubise, Morey, Piennes, and many other lords. p. 86, 7.

20 Ib. 89. This was imputed to the cardinal Lorraine, who was the archbishop of the place. ib.

21 Ib. 90. The troops were ordered to be ready by the 15 May, and commissions were issued to levy infantry, and appointing captains. 22 Castel. 90.

24

XXV.

stronger;' 23 reconciliation became every day less CHAP. practicable; and the civil warfare raged with alternate success. The king of Navarre fell in besieging Rouen for the Catholic party, but the battle of Dreux, tho producing the balancing advantage of the commanders-in-chief of both forces being taken prisoners by their opponents, yet giving by that event the supreme command of the Catholic forces to the abler duke of Guise, occasioned them to derive from it all the fruits and effects of an inspiriting and strengthening victory.25

23 So the queen mother declared. Castel. p.92. He was the cardinal de Ferrara. p. 96. On 22 July 1562, sir N. Throckmorton apprised the lords of the council, from Paris, that the pope hath lent these, his champions and friends, 100,000 crowns, and doth monthly pay besides 6000 soldiers. Forbes' St. Pap. 2. p. 4. Such was the disposition of Spain to the same cause, that sir Thomas Chaloner, on 1 May 1562, wrote from that country, 'They devise how the Guisans may be assisted by them, esteeming for religion's sake, that the prevailment of that side importeth them as the ball of their eye.' Haines' St. Pap. p. 382. Lord Leicester's letter of 30 October intimates, that if Elizabeth had assisted earlier, ‘it might have safely defended.' ib. 155.

* Cust. 106-8. He was wounded 19 October, and died 17 Dec. 1562. ib. The Duke of Guise took the city. Castelnau was there. The English letters, in Forbes' State Papers, 117-127, describe many incidents of this siege. It was taken 26 October. p. 143.

25 See before, p. 16, note 57. The Catholics had 16,000 men, and the Protestants but 12,000 men. Castel. 125. Sir N. Throckmorton described the conflict at length in his despatch to the queen on 3 January. The prince resolved to pass the Dure at Dreux, and the constable and duke of Guise moved to prevent him. The battle began at noon, and lasted till night. The admiral led the vanguard, and defeated the battalions of the constable, who was shot in his lower lip with a pistol, and taken prisoner. The prince then charged the duke's division, and was taken. Our ambassador praised highly the conduct of Guise, 'Surely he behaved himself like a great and valiant captain. He may challenge to himself that day's victory, for his footmen remained lords of the field, and kept their place. He encamped over the dead bodies. Albeit, the admiral, with his force, went not far from thence that night.' Throckmorton saw the battle, and retired to Nogent, but was detained and sent to the duke, with whom he had several conferences, which he describes. Lett. in Forbes, 251-9. After the battle the comparative forces were, "The admiral had better than 5000 horse, and not past 2000 foot very evil armed. The duke has 3000 horse, and 16,000 footmen.' ib. 259.

BOOK

11.

26

27

But as the Huguenots suffered, the English government became more alarmed for its national safety. Its wishes for a pacification between the contending parties; its anxiety for its own security; and the probable consequence of inflaming all Christendom, if councils of violence and the 'extraordinary exaltation of the house of Guise' to enforce them, should be confirmed in France, were calmly stated to the French envoy. But as no conciliating interferences of the English cabinet produced any mitigation of the evil, the queen resolved to grant to the endangered Huguenots, the aid they asked.28 She made a frank and unambiguous statement of her fair objects in this measure, to the Spanish court; avowing that she meant to take possession of those harbors in Normandy, from which England could be invaded by the papal party, but declaring her intentions not to retain them beyond

29

26 In Cecil's private memorial, in July 1562, Of the perils growing upon the overthrow of the prince of Condé's cause; we read, "Whosoever thinketh that relenting in religion will assuage the Gwysian's aspirations, they are far deceived. For two appetites will never be satisfied, but with the thing desired. The desire to have such a kingdom as England and Scotland may make united, and the cruel appetite of a pope and his adherents to have his authority re-established fully, without any new danger of attempt.' Forb. State Papers, 2. p. 6.

"The written reasonings that were prepared for an answer to him are in Forbes, 16-20. A verbal communication of them was made, as we learn from Elizabeth's letter to Cath. de Medicis, of 17 Aug. 1562. ib. p. 20. Throckmorton was instructed to express a similar representation to her. See his instructions, p. 22-5. His after letters describe the military movements of the two parties. ib. 26–32. 35, 36–44.

28 Her order for troops to march to Portsmouth and Rye, is dated 11 Sept. 1562. Forbes, p. 44. The convention between her and the prince of Condé, of 20 Sept. is in Forbes, p. 48-51.

"We are con

29 Her letter to the king of Spain was dated 22 Sept. strained contrary to our own disposition toward quietness, for the surety of us, our crown and realm, to put a reasonable number of our subjects in defensible force; and by that means to preserve such ports as be next unto us from their possession [of the house of Guise] without intent of offence to the king.' Forbes, 54.

XXV.

the period of danger, and the re-delivery of Calais CHAP. according to the covenanted stipulation.30 She limited her defensive movements strictly to these protecting purposes;31 and pledged herself to recal her forces when peace was re-established in France, and the town of Calais should be restored as the treaty specified. On these principles she published a declaration of her political motives,33 and sent a naval armament to Havre de Grace, then called Newhaven, under the earl of Warwick; when the Huguenot chiefs delivered it, as they had agreed, peaceably into their possession. This aid to the

32

34

20 She added, Until we may see these divisions compounded, or at least them of Guise, whom only we have cause to doubt, out of arms in the parts of Normandy next to us. And so we mean to direct our actions; as, without any injury or violence to the French king, or any of his subjects, we intend to live in good peace with the said French king, and to save our realm, in this convenient time, our right to Calais with surety.' Forbes, 54.

31 Our good brother! This is our disposition and intent. We mean to do no person wrong, but to provide and foresee how the apparent dangers to our estate may be diverted.' ib. 54.

32 Ib. 55. In so doing, we assure you, that we shall be found most ready to revoke our forces, and to live, as we did before these troubles, in full and perfect rest.' ib. This same letter in Latin is in p. 55–7.

33 See its drafts in English and French, in Forbes, p. 69-80. It was printed also at Rouen. ib. 83. Castelnau was at Havre, and briefly describes these incidents. p. 103, 4.

6

34 The troops were embarked at Portsmouth on 28 Sept. 1562, to sail that day to Havre. Letter of sir A. Poyning. Forbes, p.81. They sailed early on 3 Oct. but could not land till the evening of the 4th: 'our coming being very joyful to the whole town.'ib. 88. The first arrival was 4000 men, to be followed by as many more, with 1200 cavalry.' ib. 96. Lord Warwick reached it with his supplies on 29 Oct. His letter of 30th, p. 158. He did not find it strong. Fifty Scottish horse had come to offer him their service. This nation he counted the best discoverers in the world,' p. 160; or to reconnoitre. Warwick was lord Leicester's brother. His public orders to his troops there were issued on 10 Nov. The first of these was, 'That all captains and soldiers do duly resort to the church to prayer and preaching upon those days that are appointed to the same: namely, upon Wednesday and Friday, betwixt nine and ten in the forenoon; and upon Sunday at the same hour in the forenoon, at three of the clock in the afternoon, except such as be appointed to ward.' Forbes, p. 181.