Pagina-afbeeldingen
PDF
ePub

XXVIII.

many horsemen would be able to take her by force CHAP. from lord Shrewsbury's care,' 126 he was preparing to have carried her off to Wingfield, as she was on the road to Sheffield Castle, when he was disappointed by her removal.127 But a little before his actual rebellion, when the earl of Westmoreland had joined him, and both the earls were holding secret discussions, 128 letters to them in ciphers were brought from her,129 which conveyed her promise of pecuniary and military support, with her advice to defer awhile their revolt. 130 An agent from the duke of Norfolk arrived there also with the same counsel, from an apprehension of its consequences to himself. These facts confirm the veracity of the Italian biographers, that both Mary and Norfolk concurred in the great papal confederacy, of which this insurrection was an important part, but a premature explosion; and yet Norfolk persisted in denying to

126 Hamelyng, 595.

127 Hamelyng, 595. 'Whereupon the earl being advertised by a letter, that she was removed, the earl sent Hamelyng therewith to L. Dacres at Hartlesey, who chafed sore at it, and said, If he had dealt herein with the countess as he did with the earl, it had not missed.' ib. She was at Bolton Castle from the middle of July 1568 to 26th Jan. 1569. Cabala, 138, 9. 148.

128 He went a little before the rising to L. Dacres to Hartlesey, to meet the earl at Shepton Moor, where with him met there the earl of Westmoreland and four others. They continued almost three hours under a hedge.' Ham. 595.

129 When the earls were upon a moor within three miles of Brancepeth, there came to the earls one young bishop from the queen, with letters in ciphers.' ib. 495.

130 Of which Bishop told this Hamelyng, that where the earls had demanded of the queen thirty thousand crowns, they should have a greater sum, and that they should lack no men; but she advised them to stay for a time for rising, and yet to keep themselves strong.' Ham. 596.

131 6 Having come to the two earls in Topcliff Park, from the duke of Norfolk, willing them not to rise, for if they did, the duke should be in danger.' ib. 596. This examination is signed, Written by me, W. Burghley.'

[ocr errors]

II.

BOOK Elizabeth all treasonable dealings, with an extraordinary insensibility to the falsehood and hypocrisy of such pusillanimous asseverations.132 Hamelyng's arrest may have alarmed Mary for the consequences of his disclosure, as in the same month in which he was examined, she was suddenly anxious for a personal interview with Elizabeth, that she might reveal something which she would disclose to no inferior person. This interview was declined, probably because Elizabeth, not aware how much the Scottish queen had it in her power to discover, looked upon it as a mere pretext to be in London, and there to become the central object and focus of those dangerous factions, which the discontented with the existing reign, are always eager to form with the next

133

successor.

The secret intelligence received, and the alarming

[ocr errors]

132 If I be a traitor, I desire no favor. I defy all others malices against me therein. I doubt not but to justify my truth and fidelity, whosoever dare say the contrary, being her majesty's true and loyal subject and faithful servant.' Haynes, 597. See his letter of 15 July 1570; and his submission of 23 June, acknowleging only his pursuit of the marriage, and promising to abandon it. In this he says, 'I trust to make it apparent to the world, how humble a servant and loyal subject your majesty hath of me.' ib. 597.

13 On 10 April 1570, lord Shrewsbury wrote to Cecil: Touching the late talk of the queen of Scots unto me, I have exhorted her with full confidence to open and reveal her mind plainly unto her majesty by some secret letter. But truly I cannot see that she will be persuaded to do so by letters. Her desire is still to reveal unto her majesty's self in her own presence, that which, she saith, she will not else to any living.' Haynes, 593. The earl added this emphatic paragraph: Sir! at the ensealing of this letter, this queen came unto me, and required me to signify unto you, that if it would please the queen's majesty to grant her leave to come unto her, she would reveal in secret such matter as should be to her majesty's weal, and to herself also, which she will not utter to no creature else. She said her desire was to come in a coach, not like any estate, but in secret manner unknown, as her majesty would appoint.' ib. 594. Either this was a plan of Mary's to be intercepted by her friends on the road, or she meant to sacrifice them for her own benefit, by discovering to Elizabeth the papal conspiracy.

aspect of the times, shook the soul of the wise and thoughtful sir William Cecil. He knew the tendency of the great lords to combine against the crown, that they might reinstate the peerage in the power from which the house of Tudor had depressed it. He saw the disposition of the chief foreign powers to attack England, because its successful Reformation which their hierarchies and aristocracies dreaded, was operating as a stimulating example for their own people to imitate. He was fully aware of the unforgiving revenge, fanaticism, and hatred of the curtailed and disappointed popedom, and he doubted the virtuous, patriotic, and steady loyalty of England's general populace. In the spring of 1570, he expressed his fear of Elizabeth's assassination, 14 and he penned those meditations on the state of public affairs, just before Murray's assassination, which have survived to us; 135 he considered the object of Elizabeth's enemies; 136 he recapitulated the dangers

134 On 22d March, he wrote to Norris-Her majesty is not much troubled with the opinion of danger; nevertheless, I and others cannot but be greatly fearful for her, and do, and will do all that in us lies to understand the attempts.' He adds, with three ciphers, 'As for [cipher] many here, and the most of this council, think the peril no less, but rather greater, if [cipher] should [cipher].' ib. These ciphers seem to be, If the queen of Scots should come here,' as she was then urging to be allowed to come to Elizabeth.

[ocr errors]

135 He entitled it, ' A short Memorial of the state of the Realm.' It is printed from his MS. by Haynes, 579. It begins, 'The perils are many, great and imminent; great in respect of the persons and matters.' The persons he marks to be the queen, as the sufferer; the pope, the kings of France and Spain, as authors and workers, and their associates; and the queen of Scots, as the instrument whereby the matters were attempted' against Elizabeth. ib. p. 579.

136 He states these or the matters to be, the recovery of the pope's tyranny; the eviction of the crown of England from the queen, to set it on the head of the queen of Scots.' He then reviews the means to exalt Mary; and her strength, from the opinion of her title-from the favor of the strongest monarchies of Christendom-from the secret and great numbers of discontented subjects who were gaping for a change

CHAP.

XXVIII.

BOOK
II.

of the government; 137 he noted the apparent remedies.138 But it is manifest that his apprehensions predominated over his hopes, especially if a foreign invasion should ensue.'

139

From a more princely spirit, from a greater vigor of character, from less knowlege, from a smaller range of thought, from a kinder confidence in her subjects, and from a more supporting piety, Elizabeth, tho she felt the peril of the crisis, yet looked on it without intimidation or despondency; and resolved to appeal to the good sense and the honest feelings of her people. She addressed them by a by her means, and to be rewarded by her-and from the desire of many to have Scotland and England under one sovereign. Haynes, 580.

137 He considered Elizabeth's weakness to be growing upon lack of marriage, of children, and of foreign alliances, from long peace, and the weakness of her frontiers; from ignorance of martial knowlege in the subjects; lack of meet captains and trained soldiers; the new rebellion in Ireland; over-much boldness from her soft government; the unkindness of France and Spain; the want of treasure; the excess of the ordinary charges; the poverty of the nobility and gentlemen of service; the wealth being in the meaner sort; lack of mariners and munition.' ib. 580. To these dangers he adds the decay of morals and religion. But he considers the greatest perils to be two: The determination general of the two monarchies, next neighbors to England, to subvert not only their own subjects, but also all others refusing the tyranny of Rome; and their earnest desire to have the queen of Scots possess this crown of England.' ib. 585.

136 These he entitles A Memorial of remedies against the conspiration of the pope, and the two monarchies.' He enumerates twenty-six, of which, the substance is, the cultivation of foreign alliances; the promotion of religion; the suppression of seditious books; the support of earl Murray; vigilance over the favorers of Mary's title; reform of the lawyers of the realm; military and naval provisions; and attention to commerce. Haynes, p. 588.

139The realm has become so feeble by long peace, that it were a fearful thing to imagine, if the enemies were at hand to assail the realm, of what force the resistance would be.' ib. 582. He thinks these perils were approaching, because these two monarchies, which always in former ages were wont to be at variance, are now accorded, and inflamed with displeasure against the queen and her crown.' ib. 584. 'But,' he adds, this discourse is so uncomfortable to the writer or hearer having his heart filled with English blood, that it seemeth better to end here at this time, lest the evils may seem desperate, and so no courage left to remember and provide remedies.' ib. 585.

XXVIII.

public declaration,140 which displays so much of that CHAP force and animation, which many of her letters and speeches exhibit, as to induce a belief that it was her own dictation.

She calls their attention to the fact, that from the time of her accession, for 'eleven full years of her reign,' the tranquillity of the nation had never been disturbed; a truth most condemnatory to that pope who wilfully stirred up the mischief.141 She expresses her gratitude to heaven for the long continuance of the general blessing; 142 and her joy and thankfulness to her people, that the 'secret practices of malicious persons, notwithstanding their boastful expectations, had been repressed by the general loyalty; 144

143

140 The reader will find it in Haynes, p. 589-593.

141

[ocr errors]

Haynes, p. 589. As the like hath not been seen in these our kingdoms in many ages until this last year, that an unnatural commotion in the north was by certain lewd practices of some few secretly stirred up.' ib.

[ocr errors]

142 She adds, We ought also to consider both how the interruption of the course of so universal, long, and continued inward peace, hath happened, and how also, by God's favor and assistance, it may be provided, that the like occasions hereafter be not ministered by seditious persons, whose nature cannot, nor as yet doth cease to imagine and contrive secret means to make alteration of the quietness whereunto of His goodness our realm is now again restored.' ib. 589.

143Who had, cunningly and with colorable untruths, first inveigled two of our nobility, with a false fear of our indignation towards them, even when indeed we did certainly and very well favor and allow of them: next abused another sort, and greater number, with false persuasions of some general severity intended by us and our ministers against them, in respect of opinions in religion, when no such thing did appear, or even anywise by us meant or thought of; and lastly, inticed the vulgar and common sort to fancy some novelties and changes of laws and rulers as the ordinary highway to all sensual and unruly liberty, which commonly the ignorant covet, tho it hath ever been, and will be, most of all to their own destruction.' ib. 589.

144 For that when most vaunts were vainly made by our rebels, that great numbers, both of our nobles and commons were confederates, and would take part with them, there was good proof made, not only of the constancy of all the rest of our nobility, both by their deeds and words, but of the readiness of all other our subjects to serve us with

« VorigeDoorgaan »