XXIX. trains and substance of the mysterious conspiracy; CHAP. more formidable from its invisibility, because, while its authors and partisans remained unknown, it could not be grappled with, nor by any exertion of wisdom or vigor, be extinguished. The nobility were still doubtful, as to their sincerity, altho death was removing some of the more questionable tempers." In these difficulties, the queen's conduct towards Scotland, after Murray's murder, had been wise and disinterested.10 But some of the chieftains on the borders chose to retain and cherish the northern rebels, who, from this support, from their vicinity to their old connexions, and from the facility of intercourse with these which their asylum gave them, endangered the government by new plots, and en • On 8th June 1570, Cecil apprised his friend, that the bishop of Ross had departed to the queen of Scots, to deal with her: Since his going, the queen understands of a practice he had two days before with a nobleman, a papist, contrary to his manner of dealing with the queen, whereupon she is not a little moved against him.' And on 22d June, we find that this was the earl Southampton, the friend and patron of our Shakespear, and that being lately known to have met in Lambeth Marsh with the bishop of Ross, is committed to the sheriff of London, to be there closely kept.' Cabala, 166. 9 In 1570, besides Pembroke, the earl of Cumberland, and sir Nicholas Throckmorton, died. Camden, 124, 130. Of the latter, Camden remarks, 'He died in good time for himself and his, being in great danger of life and estate by reason of his restless spirit.' p. 131. Melville remarked of Pembroke, that he and Norfolk, and many others, shew themselves more plainly friendly [to Mary] after the prince's birth.' Melv. Mem. 161. The next year, Parr, the marquis of Northampton, died, whose intimate connections with Pembroke are evinced by his making that lord's son his heir. Camd. 144. In the British Museum, MS. Titus B. 8. is a Latin paper obscurely alluding to some objectionable conduct of this nobleman, with regard to the queen of Scots. p. 320. 10 Thus, on 29 January 1570, she directed sir R. Sadler to repair speedily to Scotland, where you shall find the nobility. Treat with them severally or jointly, to accord fast together in unity among themselves, to the stay of that realm in quietness and common peace; and to employ themselves jointly against the disturbers thereof; and to preserve the state of religion from any change, and not to bring that realm into the bondage of any foreign prince.' Sadl. State Papers, v. 2, p. 147. II. 12 BOOK Couraged the disaffected to prepare for new revolts. To repress this mischief, the English forces were ordered to march against these Scottish lairds ;" and advancing only to punish and deter, it was in its very scheme and object, one of those expeditions of destruction, which from the human suffering it occasions to dependants and peasantry, who do not cause, and cannot prevent, the offence, which occasions it, excites every reader to regret and reprobation, 13 The French government threatened to send an armament if the English troops were not withdrawn.14 But Elizabeth had no intentions of ambitious conquest; and the troops returned from their calamitous incursion, tho without obtaining the earl of Northumberland, whom his Scottish friends both sheltered and detained, as much for their pecuniary advantage, as from their political sympathy.15 As the year 1571 began, Elizabeth shewed that "The reason of this movement we see in Cecil's letter of 22 March, to Norris: Since the death of the regent, the borderers have maintained our rebels, and invaded England, wherefore my lord of Sussex is now ordered with an army to invade them.' Cab. 162. He began his operations on 17th April, ib. p. 163, and on 27th besieged Hume Castle until it surrendered, p. 164. Lord Scrope made a co-operating one from Carlisle. Lett. 21 April, p. 164. 12 One trait implies the ravages of all. Drury, the marshal, with 1,000 foot and 400 horse, has so plagued the Hamiltons, as they have never had such losses in all the wars between Scotland and England these FORTY YEARS.' Lett. 22 June, Cabala, p. 166. 13 Stowe's marginal note is, 'He had burnt 300 towns and villages, and spoiled 50 stone castles.' p. 667. 14 Letter of Charles IX. dated 31 May 1570. Murray's MS. 15 That the Scottish lairds were trying to make a good bargain for themselves, for giving him an asylum, and letting him go safely, we learn from the letter of the countess to her husband, of 28 January 1571: I hear from France, that the laird is persuaded that you should have from the pope and the king 10,000 crowns towards your redemption, for which cause he said, as I hear, he did exact the more, seeing it was to come out of their pockets. I do all that I can to have the same persuasion pulled out of their heads, and that he may be occasioned otherwise to think.' Murd. St. Pap. 192. she had at length discriminated her ablest and most faithful minister, from all that were doubtful or indirect, by creating sir William Cecil baron of Burghley, and by appointing him soon afterwards lord high treasurer, and virtually her prime minister. From this hour her real safety and the prosperity of the country assumed a firm position, and never retrograded during the remainder of her long protracted reign. Enabled now to act with the freedom and decision of his experienced judgment, lord Burghley directed his fixed attention on that secret conspiracy, which had so long baffled his most vigilant research : and it was advantageous to his efficiency, that one of those undetected partisans who, as one of the state counsellors, had the power of counteracting him, and who was most dangerous to Elizabeth, from his official access to her person, and from his power in Wales, was about this time removed by death, before the degree and certainty of his participation had been discovered.16 Pursuing the clue which had been given by the provost marshal of Paris, Burghley had watched the Italians in London, and at last had taken up Ridolfi; but a close examination, by sir Francis Walsingham, 16 This was the earl of Pembroke, who was made by Elizabeth great master of the household. He had been greatly trusted by the English queen Mary. She had given him the command of her forces against Wyatt, and of the English army at St. Quintin, and of the government of Calais twice, and appointed him lord president of Wales. The rebelling earls declared that he was one of their associates; and Camden, who praises him as an excellent man, yet remarks, It missed little but he had been proscribed when he was dead, by means of certain matters brought to light, and presumptions laid hold on.' Ann. p. 124. It is obvious, from the duke of Norfolk's trial, that Pembroke and Arundel were two of the noblemen who had joined the conspiracy against Elizabeth. CHAP. XXIX. BOOK detecting nothing which could justify his detention, II. he had been released, but not forgotten. An eye of doubt and scrutiny was kept upon him, and it was at last ascertained, in April 1571, that he was the agent of communications from Mary's ambassador in London, to Alva and to Rome." The high treasurer had then also learnt, that this Scottish prelate and some English noblemen were concerting another insurrection.18 This bishop, who had been long the agent of the Scottish queen, had for a short time been put into arrest, during the spring of the preceding year, but, from no facts accruing to authenticate any illegal conduct, had been liberated like Ridolfi. He was now again apprehended, and on being interrogated, admitted that he had been employing the Italian, and had received letters from him in cipher. Confessing Mary's correspondence 19 20 17 It was on 14 May 1571, that the queen directed Cecil to express to the earl Shrewsbury, We find that of late one Ridolfi, an Italian merchant, was by the bishop of Ross sent to the duke of Alva, and so to pass to the pope, and then into Spain.' Lodge Illust. v. 2, p. 53. And that before his going there was a secret conspiracy here, by the said bishop, with two lords, to us yet unknown, for a new rebellion this summer.' ib. 53. 'He wrote also to the two lords at the same time to move them to continue their purpose. All these were written in cipher; and the two letters to the lords were also indorsed with several marks, and the bishop was willed to deliver the one to thirty and the other to forty.' Lett. ib. 54. As Northumberland and Westmoreland were fled, and Pembroke was at this time dead, the only other lords that had been named as implicated in those plans, were Norfolk, Arundel, and Lumley. The provost's information had implicated Arundel. 19 It was in February 1570 that he had been placed awhile under the bishop of London's care, on an intimation from the Scottish regent that he was one of the authors of Northumberland's rebellion. Camden, 119. In August he had been again so committed, after his release, for having secret conferences with earl Southampton, a man most devoted to the Romish religion.' ib. 127. 20Now, the bishop being examined, denieth not the sending of Ridolfi to Flanders, to Rome, and to Spain, nor the receiving of letters from him in ciph er, nor the receiving of two letters, the one to be delivered to thirty, the other to forty; but he saith, that the figure forty was meant XXIX. with Alva, the pope, and Spain, he tried to give it CHAP. a plausible aspect." But Burghley had learnt that its objects were treasonable, and embraced English peers," and desired lord Shrewsbury to question the Scottish princess on the subject. 23 This imperfect information had been obtained by the arrest of Charles Bailly, a Fleming, and servant to Mary, and the conveyer of her letters to Ridolfi.24 He denied his ability to decipher them," and finding the Italian's letters safe with Ross, he deemed himself secure from detection,26 but desired the prelate to secure his trunk ;" and with the experienced eye 27 for the queen of Scots, and the figure thirty the Spanish ambassador.' Lett. Lodge Illust. 54. 21 And that the queen of Scots did write by Ridolfi to the duke of Alva, to the pope, and the king of Spain; but saith, it was partly for money, partly for aid against her rebels.' ib. 54. 22 6 But still the queen's majesty is ascertained, by good proof, that the letters thirty and forty were to two lords of England, for it was written in them, that they should march with their power towards London, and that the duke of Alva would send power to a part to join with the two lords.' ib. 54. This letter of Lord Burghley strikingly corroborates the veracity of the statement of Catena and Gabutius. 23 The questions were, What letters she wrote by Ridolfi, and their purpose? What she had received from him, and to produce them? Whether the number forty did designate her, and to give the alphabet of the cipher used? ib. 54. 24 He was committed to the Marshalsea 13 April 1571. Murdin, p. 1. Ross, two days afterwards, wrote to him to be firm, Altho your pains be great, yet your honor shall be greater, and they cannot take your life from you.' The bishop, tho a bishop, promised him revenge: I have yesternight travelled with .. for your relief, and the villain which betrayed you will be worse handled, as he has promised me.' His letter of 15 April, in Murd. p. 1. 25I pray you, 'says the prelate,' to keep constantly in this answer; for you know that there are very dangerous words in your letter and mine. As to those from Flanders, have no fear, for there are none in their hands. This extreme handling of you will further much B.'s [Mary's] cause, and your enemies will be thought cruel.' Lett. ib. 26 Bailly answered him on 20th, Since you have Ridolfi's letters, I have no fear whatever. I promise you they shall have nothing of me. I will confess nothing, tho they should pluck me in a hundred pieces.' Lett. Murd. 2-4. 27 It were good that my trunk were carried to your lodging, because |