II. СНАР. XXX. FINAL ARREST, TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF THE DUKE 3 2 BOOK THE duke of Norfolk had been released from the Tower, on the day that Felton was arrested, and had been sent to his own house under the superintendence of sir Henry Neville.' He had become decidedly Romish in his connexions, if not in his religion," and labored to be popular. But he had too deeply involved himself in the great papal conspiracy, for his secret participation in it to remain undetected, as soon as Burghley's long baffled watching had at last fixed on some of the real agents, who were less dexterous or firm in the concealment of their machinations, than the practised Ross and Ridolfi. Facts 1 Camden's Eliz. p. 127. This was 4th Aug. 1570. Stowe, 667. 2 In the discourse on him, printed about this time, apparently from authority, it is stated: Touching his religion, how he affected, I leave to God and his own conscience; but that he should not be settled in religion, it shall appear by sundry reasons to the contrary; 1. His education of his son under the government of a papist. 2. His chief men of trust being papists. 3. The confidence and reposed trust he has in the chief papists of the realm. 4. His last marriage with a papist. And lastly, this pretended match.' 1 Anders. p. 23. 3 He is in state the second person of this realm. His credit with the nobility and commons is well known to be great; with the one in respect of his alliance; with the other in respect of a kind of familiarity used towards them in public sports, as in shooting and cockfights. A thing not to be discommended, if this match did not discover it to savor of an ambitious and aspiring intent.' ib. 23. 4 XXX. gradually accumulated against him, until they ap- CHAP. peared sufficient for a legal investigation; and on 4th Sept. 1571, he was arrested on a charge of treason, and three days afterwards committed to the Tower. The next day, and on several others, he was interrogated by the privy council; and in his various examinations admitted that Barker was his servant; that he had sent him to De Foix, and knew that he had received the money from the Frenchman, and that he had instructed his own secretary to write in cipher for its delivery.' He confessed also to one interview of an hour with Ridolfi, after supper, about Christmas 1570; that he had written to Mary, and received letters from her, and knew that Bannister, Ross, and Ridolfi, had been with the Spanish ambassador, with a message from himself;1o that he had several times supplied Borthwick with money, and had been apprised by him of the conference between Ross and sir Henry Percy, about taking Mary out of her detention." At another period, he owned that Barker had brought him two letters from the pope, and also one from Ridolfi, which he read and concealed.12 He con There came afterwards to light daily more matters than ever he suspected, and the trust of those which were of his inwardest councils, was, with hope or corruption, overcome.' Camd. Eliz. 127. 5 Murden's State Papers, 148, 9. 6 His answers on 8th September, in Murdin, 151. at that time Barker told him he had the money in He added, But he never saw the money. sador's; no part his.' Murd. 151, 2. 6 He thinketh that his chamber.' ib. It was the ambas 8 Duke's answers on 22d Sept. in Murd. p. 154. He said Ridolfi asked him to write to the duke of Alva for some money for him, but that he refused. ib. 9 His answer on 8th Sept. Murd. 152. 10 Answer on 31st Oct. ib. 163. 11 Answer, ib. 12 This was in his last confession, on 26th Feb. 1572. Murd. 175. He declared that he was angry with the bearer for bringing them. ib. II. BOOK fessed that he had advised Mary not to give up her castles, when Elizabeth required the measure to be done; and that three plans had been mentioned to him for her escape, of which he had approved the last.13 Elizabeth made a formal complaint to the duke of Alva, that the Spanish ambassador in England was exciting her subjects to treasonable insurrection,' and that she had therefore ordered him away;1 and she made this communication to prevent his misrepresentations of her reasons causing any breach between the two countries.16 She added an assertion of her own care to make her actions correspond with her language; and appealed to them as evidence of her integrity;" an intimation which, as the duke 13 Answer, 13th Oct. Murd. 160. He stated on this day, that he ' remembered no letter to Alva for credit for Ridolfi, but if Bannister saith so, he would be loth to deny it.' ib. Of his two agents, he said, 'So long as Bannister was here, he used not Barker: he used Barker till Bannister came again, and then used both.' ib. 162. 14 On 15th Dec. 1571, she wrote to Alva, We need not much to repeat to you, how long we have misliked Gerar Despes, whom the king sent hither in place of signore Guzman da Sylva, a person that served his master very honorably, and with our great contentation. The said Despes hath increased his practices to disturb our state, to corrupt our subjects, and to stir up rebellion; and to promise to such as he finds evil disposed, that the king will aid and maintain them against us.' Murd. 185. 15 As we can no more endure him to continue, than a person that would secretly seek to inflame our realm with firebrands, we have given him order to depart, without entering into any particular debate, whereunto he is naturally given. And this we have done the more quietly, in good order, from the respect we have to the king from whom he came.' Eliz. lett. in Murd. ib. 16 And altho we know that he will boldly affirm many things to cover his imperfections, yet this, we trust, is reason, that for the affirmation of our own intention towards the continuance of good amity with the king, we ought to be best believed.' ib. 17 The queen adds of herself, Who shall as readily perform the same in outward deeds, if just occasion be given us, as we do in words. And so we require You, being a person of understanding, OF HONOR, XXX. was secretly pursuing the same treasonable practices, CHAP. which she had detected in Gaspar, while he was sending agents to her, with professions of amity and peace, must have made him feel as he read, tho the proudest man in Europe, except his master, that he was deformed by that vice, which above all others fixes on a man the abhorrence, with the contempt, of his fellow creatures-HYPOCRISY; a mental perversion which is always a combination of treachery, cowardice, selfishness and fraud. Disdained by the open hearted, the noble minded, the wise, and the generous, it is assumed by men who, like Alva, can banish humanity from their feelings, reason from their superstitions, and rectitude from their honor. Moving where it seeks to undermine and betray, in a course of mystery, baseness, and mischief; its practisers become, like him, fond of the obliquity and depravity which degrades them, and are then insensible to all social reprehension. Elizabeth's letter had no effect in recalling him to any suspension of his dark conspiracies. The distant voice of their pontifical contriver and abettor, was more powerful than her's. Alva continued to be the active head of all the Romish plots, for some years, in England; as he chose to be their military executioner, without remorse or mercy, in the Belgium provinces. The duke of Norfolk was too important in all worldly greatness and its appendages, to be seriously struck at by government, whatever might be his guilt, without exposing the queen and state to great and of experience, to make proof of us, by our own actions, than by his words; who hath a private interest to deprave our actions, for maintenance of his partial and passionate attempts.' Murd. 185. II. BOOK peril and to some immediate hostilities; and especially as his punishment would, from its intimidating and dislocating effects, be a death blow to the great conspiracy. His arrest became a test of the stability of Elizabeth's throne, and of the depth and extent of her popularity, and a summons to all his partisans to bestir themselves for his safety. The French sovereign, who, if his cabinet had not favored or participated in the secret treason with which the duke was alleged to be connected, could have had no more reason or claim to interfere for him, than if the king of Denmark had chosen to subject one of his Zealand nobles to a judicial examination, yet resolved to make vigorous exertions in his behalf.1 An attempt was then pursued by public handbills, to excite the nobility not to allow the duke to be punished," and defying any accuser to single combat.20 But the most alarming effort that was plotted in his behalf, was a scheme to assassinate lord Burghley, as the chief cause of his detection and danger; 18 A fortnight after the news of Norfolk's arrest reached Paris, we find a letter of 25 Sept. 1571, addressed from the court at Blois, to Fenelon, commending his sages responses' on the business of the duke's secretary, which have been well received here.' But the king does not think it will be encore à propos' to employ himself with the queen of England for him, for fear of more offending her, than of aiding him, and because he believes that they will not go beyond the institution of a process against him, and keeping him a prisoner. But if they proceed to touch his person, his majesty is resolved de s'emploier pour lui de tout son pouvoir.' Lett. of P. de Foix, 25 September 1571, in Murray's MSS. 19 Berney described his fabrication of these by the desire of Mather. One copy was set up at the scaffold on Tower-hill; another at the gate going out of Cheapside to St. Paul's.' Herle observed it. Murd. p. 196. Mather prepared another writing, which he would have set up on lord Burghley's gate.' ib. 199. 20 Murd. 200. Berney stated, Mather asked me, if any did challenge the same, whether I would perform his offer? I answered him, that I would; so that I might be assured, that if I discovered my name I might not be hanged.' To prevent this, they planned to have two of lord Burghley's sons for pawns for them. ib. |