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before the massacre, a misconception arose, or was fabricated, CHAP. of Elizabeth's intention to recal her forces; and that this falsehood was made use of by the Spanish party in the French court, and by Catherine, to dissuade the king from assisting the prince of Orange and the Flemish and Dutch Protestants.

That the admiral was active with his friends to urge the king to continue in his resolution to support the prince by an auxiliary army, and was earnest that Elizabeth should not withdraw the English troops:

That before the dispatches from England arrived, evincing the falsehood of the account that she meant to recal them, the massacre of St. Bartholomew was perpetrated, on Sunday the 24th August:

That Charles was continuing the treaty for Elizabeth's marriage six days before; on Monday, the 18th August, he had the mar riage of the king of Navarre with his sister actually solemnized; that he exhibited every demonstration of friendship to the admiral, up to Friday the 22d August; and that he discovered no change till the night of the next day, when the murders were sanctioned or ordered by him:

That the admiral was shot at and wounded by a partisan of the duke of Guise, on Thursday the 21st; that the king was indignant against Guise for the outrage, and meant to bring him to justice for it:

That the king's own account is the most probable, that he was on Saturday night suddenly informed of a treasonable and avenging attack being on the point of execution against him by the admiral's friends; that he was led to believe the account, and hurried into a consent, that the admiral and his chief friends should be anticipated and destroyed:

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That the duke of Guise was the leader in contriving this part of the plan in conjunction with the duc D'Anjou, and in executing it upon the admiral and his friends early in the morning of Sunday the 24th:

That the general massacre at Paris appears to have been a distinct and additional atrocity, procured and authorized in a later part of the same day, as if it had then been appended to the former, by further councils and by subsequent instigation:

That the great original object of the plot seems to have been to prevent the king from co-operating effectually with the prince of Orange, in favor of the Protestants of the Netherlands, and

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BOOK thereby to defeat the prince's expedition; to separate Charles from Elizabeth and the German states, by an irreconcileable outrage; and thus to ensure the ulterior destruction of the Reformation in France, and to facilitate its abolition in the other countries of Europe:

That the Romish cause derived the three first of these advantages fully from this massacre. The French government withheld its assistance from the prince of Orange, and the Protestant Netherlanders; tho beginning successfully, yet the prince was soon forced to retreat out of Flanders for want of the promised co-operation, and Charles was sundered by the massacre from all effective alliance and friendship with the English and German Protestant nations:

That these were the objects which the papal court had been laboring to promote; that consultations were held between Catherine, Guise, the pope's nuncio, and the Spanish ambassador, apart from Charles, and before the usual council was held with him.

Our inferences therefore are,

That the massacre was no premeditated act of Charles IX., tho finally ordered by him; but that it was planned by others, and suddenly urged upon him with false or deceiving communications, and with circumstances of great personal alarm, which hurried his frightened mind into the measure: That Guise began the execution, and that the Romish and Spanish party in Paris extended and completed it; and that the same party continuing their machinations to inflame and pervert the king's mind, it was also perpetrated afterwards in various parts of France.

For the establishment of these propositions, we shall principally use the dispatches of sir Francis Walsingham, then at the French court, whose penetrating eye and sagacious mind give peculiar value to all his statements. The letters of Charles IX.; a German account by an ecclesiastical eye-witness, not hitherto quoted in the preceding histories of the transaction; and the narrative of Beza, written in the following year, also not cited before, will be our further authorities, with a few additions from the best contemporary documents which others have referred to. The following selection of facts from these authorities have led the Author to the statement and belief of the preceding conclusions.

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On 12th August 1571, we learn from Walsingham's dispatch CHAP. from Paris, that The marriage between the prince of Navarre and the lady Margaret is not yet concluded,' and that 'religion was the only let.' We find also, that the gentlewoman being most desirous thereof, falleth to reading of the Bible, and to the use of the prayers used by them of the religion.' Digges, p. 122. Here we perceive that the princess was inclined to adopt her intended husband's religion. An alarming fact to the papal hierarchy in France.

This tendency did not accelerate the union. On 16th September, the ambassador wrote, that the marriage is not so forward,' tho the queen mother had provided both jewels and wedding.' The reason of the pause is added: The only impediment, as I hear, is religion.' ib. p. 135.

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On 29th March 1572, he informed Burleigh, from Blois, 'The marriage continueth doubtful;' and that the queen of Navarre, Henry's mother, had sent for the English ministers to dinner, and told them that there were impeachments to the marriage.' 'She had now the wolf by the ears; for in concluding the marriage, she saw danger every way. No matter did so much trouble her as this. She could not tell how to resolve.'

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She mentioned that among many causes of fear, two chiefly disturbed her: The first, that the king would needs have her son and lady Margaret be courtiers, and yet would not yield to grant him any exercise of religion; the next way to make him become an atheist. The second was, that they would needs condition that the lady Margaret remaining constant in the Catholic religion, should have in Bearne her mass, which she [the queen] can in no wise consent to.' We also learn that the princess had now so altered, that there was no hope of her conversion, for that she would not resort to any sermon.' p. 183.

If we turn to the French king's correspondence on this topic, we find that on the 8th of this same month of March, Charles wrote from Blois to his ambassador at London; The queen of Navarre, my aunt, has arrived here eight or nine days ago in a good disposition, which she shews, to conclude the marriage between my sister and her son. Yet nothing has been resolved upon it; but there is a very good appearance of it.' Murray's MSS.

A few days before this, sir Thomas Smith had reported from Blois, to his court, This day the queen of Navarre is looked for

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BOOK
II.

in the court. The foolish cardinal went away as wise as he came. He neither brake the marriage with Navarre, nor got no desires of the church of France; nor persuaded the king to enter into his league with the Turks; nor to accept the Tridentine, or to break off treaty with us. At his going away, he refused a diamond which the king offered him, of six hundred crowns; yet he was here highly feasted. He and his train cost the king above three hundred crowns a day.' Digges, 193.

This was the cardinal Alexandrino, the papal legate, whose departure Charles mentions in his letter of 8th March; and this important dispatch of the English ambassador, by the above paragraph, discloses to us the objects which he was pressing on the court of France, but to which that court in this month of March was not disposed to listen. This league against the Turks was intimated by sir Francis Walsingham in a former dispatch, of 28th January 1572, to have been by no means confined in its intention to the Turks; but to stretch to as many as they repute to be Turks, altho better Christians than themselves.' Digges, 26. To the averseness of Charles IX. to join in this league at this period, was also added his mistrust of Spain, and his inclination to oppose its politics. We have several indications of these feelings. On 25th June 1571, Walsingham wrote, 'There rise daily new causes of unkindness between the two princes. Spain seemeth to set the king here very light, which engendereth in him a great desire of revenge. He lacketh but treasure, to make open demonstration thereof.' Digges, 111. Catherine then partook his sentiments; for in the following August, we read, 'The queen mother is very much incensed against Spain, being thoroly persuaded that her daughter was poisoned.' ib. 122. She had recently died there. As Spain and the pope were then closely allied, this alienation from Philip and his policy, contributed to cause the papal legate to fail in the violent objects of his negotiation in March 1572.

In August 1571, the reconciliation between Charles and the Protestant chiefs took place at Blois; and their leader, the admiral of France, was then coming into high favor with his sovereign. Walsingham's letter of 12 August states the cordiality :'The princes and the admiral are to meet the king at Blois about the first of this next month. There are many practices to overthrow their journey, but the king sheweth himself to be very resolute. I am most constantly assured that the king conceiveth

of no subject that he hath, better than of the admiral. Great hope there is, that the king will use him in matters of greatest trust; for of himself he beginneth to see the insufficiency of others. The queen-mother, seeing her son so well affected towards him, laboreth by all means to cause him to think well of her. She seemeth much to further the meeting.' Digges, 122.

The treaty for the marriage between Elizabeth and the duke of Anjou had been seriously carried on during 1571. On 7 June in that year, lord Leicester stated to Walsingham, 'It only doth stand upon the article of religion, to which her majesty will by no means relent; all other articles are reasonable.' Digges, 105. On 9th July, Elizabeth herself wrote, 'In all our dealings with them, you shall find that we have in no wise yielded to grant to monsieur a liberty for exercise of his Romish religion; neither have we any inclination to yield thereto.' ib. 111.

Charles desired the accomplishment of this marriage. On 27th July, Walsingham expressed to Leicester, The king himself, as I learn, is very well inclined thereto, the rather, thro a mislike of Spain. This match not proceeding, the king, as I suppose, will be loth to attempt any thing against Spain, tho his will that way be good.' ib. 117.

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That these matches were strenuously opposed by the pope, and by Spain and their party, we learn from Walsingham's dispatches. On 28th January 1572, he reported, The matters of secrecy here, are these: the pope, the king of Spain, and the rest of the confederates, upon the doubt of a match between the queen my mistress and monsieur, do seek by what means they can to dissuade and draw him from the same. The cause of the cardinal of Lorraine's repair hither from Rheims, as it is thought, was to this purpose.' ib. 26. On 8th February, he added, 'The pope's nuncio's persuasions that he used towards dissuading monsieur from the queen, were, first, she was an heretic; second, she was old, by whom he could scarce hope for issue; and, lastly, that England, he was well assured, might be achieved right easily by sword, to his great honor, and with less inconvenience, than making so unfit a match.' p. 37.

Both the marriages were equally counteracted by the papal party, tho wished for by the king. So the ambassador intimated on 17th February: As there is nothing more desired by one sort than the two marriages, so there is nothing more impugned by the contrary part, wherein the pope's nuncio and the Spanish

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