might be found out; wherein I should have taken more comfort CHAP. than in any other thing under the sun. XXXIV. And since now it is resolved that my surety cannot be established without a princess end, I have just cause to complain, that I, who have in my time pardoned so many rebels, winked at so many treasons, and either not produced them, or altogether slipt them over with silence, should now be forced to this proceeding against such a person. 'I have besides, during my reign, seen and heard many opprobrious books and pamphlets against me, my realm, and state, accusing me to be a tyrant. What will they not now say, when it shall be spread, that, for the safety of her life, a maiden queen could be content to spill the blood even of her own kinswoman? I may therefore full well complain, that any man should think me given to cruelty, whereof I am so guiltless and innocent; yea, I protest I am so far from it, that for mine own life I would not touch her; neither hath my care been so much bent how to prolong mine, as how to preserve both, which I am right sorry is made so hard, yca, so impossible. I am not so void of judgment, as not to see mine own peril ; nor yet so ignorant, as not to know it were in nature a foolish course to cherish a sword to cut mine own throat; nor so careless, as not to weigh that my life is daily in hazard. I But sith so many have both written and spoken against me, pray you give me leave to say somewhat for myself; and before you return to your countries, let you know for what a one you have passed so careful thoughts. 'Altho I may not justify, but may justly condemn, my sundry faults and sins to God, yet for my care in this government, let me acquaint you with my intents. 'When I first took the sceptre, my title made me not forget the Giver, and therefore began as it became me, with such religion as both I was born in, bred in, and I trust shall die in. I was not so simple as not to know, what danger and peril so great an alteration might procure me; how many great princes of the contrary opinion would attempt all they might against me; and generally, what enmity I should breed unto myself; which all I regarded not, knowing that He, for whose sake I did it, might and would defend me. Then entered I further into the thinking what it fitted a king to do; school of experience, beand there I saw, he scant BOOK was well furnished, if he either lacked justice, temperance, magnanimity, or judgment. As for the two latter, I will not boast. My sex doth not permit it. But for the two first, this I dare say, amongst my subjects I never knew difference of person, where right was one, nor never to my knowlege preferred for favor, whom I thought not fit for worth; nor bent my ears to credit a tale that was first told me; nor was so rash as to corrupt my judgment with my censure, before I heard the cause. We princes may not hear all ourselves, but this dare I boldly affirm-my verdict went ever with the truth of my knowlege. I have not used one sudden resolution in matters that have touched me full You will say that with me, I think. near. And therefore, as touching your counsels and consultations, I conceive them to be wise, honest and conscionable, and so provident and careful for the safety of my life, that tho I never can yield you of recompence your due, yet shall I endeavor myself to give you cause to think your good will not ill bestowed, and strive to make myself worthy for such subjects.' 86 After this implied assent to their request, a special French ambassador was sent from Henry III. to deliver from his sovereign an elaborate oration in her behalf, which De Thou was happy to record, as a gratifying specimen of his king's and nation's humanity.ST But what prince in Europe, in that age, beyond the queen he addressed, made his words the image of his mind, or his delegated voice the ambassador of his heart? While the president DeBellievre was sounding the phrases of his verbal philanthropy, he had in his pocket his secret instructions from his master in whose name he uttered them, to solicit Elizabeth to consign Mary to the scaffold, as their common enemy, and 86 R. C. 27-32. 88 67 De Thou, 1. 86. v. 9. p. 627, Bayle calls it, ‘La plus touchante et la plus pressante du monde pour detourner la reine d'Angleterre de l'execution de l'arrêt.' Critiq. Gen. v. 1. p. 31. 3d edit. 68 I derive my knowlege of this from Mr. Bayle's Critique Generale on Maimbourg's Hist. Calvinism, vol. 1. p. 31. Mais, comme il XXXIV. because if she lived, her possible succession would CHAP. enable the Guises, with whom he was quarrelling, to endanger his crown and safety; a mockery of moral principle, worthy of one of the great authors of St. Bartholomew's funereal day! 69 89 Her Spanish and papal friends were also not extremely desirous to save her life Every plot for her benefit had so signally failed; their discovery had made her so unpopular in England; her character had become so depreciated, and it was so difficult to govern the moveability and versatility of her selfwill; which, tho often changing its object, was yet obstinate in pursuing its temporary inclinations, that the foreign machinators were now settling in the belief, that an absolute conquest of the island, like that by William of Normandy, would alone establish a Catholic prince and a Romish hierarchy within it. Hence the pretensions of Philip II. to the succession, began to be preferred to the claims of Mary." l'avoua au père de monsieur du Maurier, il avoit une autre instruction secrette, de la main du roy Henry III. pour exhorter la reine d'Angleterre A FAIRE DECAPITER cette enemie commune de leurs personnes, et leurs royaumes.' ib. 89 Bayle adds, 'The reason of such strange conduct was, that queen Mary was kinswoman of the Guises, and devoted to them. So that if the succession of Elizabeth, who was older than her, should fall to her, she would be mistress of three kingdoms; in which case the Guises, supported by her forces, might do what they pleased; and they would have made Henry III. turn monk, and have confined him in a monastery.' Bayle Crit. Gen. Hist. Calv. p. 31. 90 In the letter written after Mary's death to a Scotch nobleman, in 1587, to dissuade James from a war, this fact is thus noticed: It is there said of Philip, He now pretendeth to be the FIRST Catholic prince of the blood-royal of England, as heir of the house of Lancaster. It was practised even during the queen of Scots' life BY THE JESUIts, and divers gentlemen, to advance him to the crown by way of election, to the prejudice of her and her line, as meetest to restore the Romish authority, both here and elsewhere.' Strype Ann. v. 3. p. 553. BOOK II. The fatal sentence against her was proclaimed in December, in the metropolis. Her son, the king of Scotland, now in the twenty-first year of his age, interceded earnestly for his mother's life," tho a portion of his people counteracted his application.92 The mind of Elizabeth still hesitated and fluctuated, but had discovered no desire to exact the mortal penalty; when another conspiracy against her life in behalf of the Queen of Scots, but apparently without her privity, produced new alarm in every individual who dreaded her accession. It was devised and promoted by the French ambassador in London, who was of the Guisian faction: 93 he had solicited William Stafford, the brother of the queen's ambassador, sir Edward Stafford, then at Paris; so nearly was conspiracy always about her." His servant, Du Trapps, had conferred with Mody on the scheme," who proposed to blow up the queen by gunpowder, 93 Ib. 336. It was discovered in the beginning of January 1587. On the 12th of that month the Frenchman was sent for to lord Burghley's house, and was questioned by him, Leicester, Hatton and Davison, to his great impatience and vexation. The examination is in Murdin, 579-83. This Stafford confessed, that on 26th December, going to the ambassador's house, as he was in the habit of doing very familiarly, he found him sitting by his fire with Bellievre, when, taking him by the hand, he led him into a gallery, and said to him, 'Is there nobody that for some crowns will do an exploit?' 'What should that be?' The ambassador answered in plain terms, To kill the queen.' Stafford mentioned Mody as a miscontented man, that would do any thing for money.' The Frenchman desired to have speech with him, or that his secretary might have access to him.' His domestic, Du Trapps, continued the subject, and told Stafford, 'You who live here discontentedly, not likely to enjoy any favor, might, by such an enterprise, get the favor of all princes who are the queen of Scots' allies: and I dare undertake to get you, OF THE POPE, a pension of 10,000 crowns.' Stafford promised to do it, or find one that would. Murd. 580. 95 Du Trapps confessed his conference with Mody on the subject, on 24 January. The ambassador, in great rage, denied the whole; but XXXIV. in her apartment; an idea which Bothwell had СНАР. originated, to be afterwards copied by Guy Faux and Catesby, in the succeeding reign." discovered to the government by Stafford." It was Alarming rumors of invasion by Spain at Milford Haven; by the Scots from the borders; by the Guises in Sussex, and of a northern insurrection; of Mary's escape, and of London being set on fire, -were dispersed thro the country, and used, to frighten and excite Elizabeth to sign the fatal warrant." Courtiers and certain preachers' strongly 98 Stafford was confronted with him, and solemnly re-affirmed his statement. ib. 582. The Frenchman could not deny that he knew of their intention, but asserted, that, as an ambassador, he was not bound to have revealed it to the government, but only to his master.' p. 583. Stafford added, that Du Trapps had pursued him with great promises of rewards from the dukes of Guise and Mayenne. ib. 96 Du Trapps confessed that Mody told him, that he was so well known at court, that he could go where he pleased; that knowing the place underneath the queen's chamber, he could easily carry there a cask of 20 lbs. of powder, make a train, and overthrow every thing.' Murd. 582. But Trapps thought these things but fancies; and wished there was such a man to be found in England as he that did the execution on the prince of Orange.' ib. 581. 97 Camd. 337. 98 Ib. 338. Who adds, that the Scots report, that Patrick Gray, whom king James had sent to dissuade Elizabeth from it, chose treacherously to be one of the principal persuaders to it, often inculcating in the queen's ears, that Mortua non mordet.' ib. 338. Camden expressly says, not that Elizabeth contrived these things 'with duplicity and artifice,' as even Mr. Hume has allowed himself gratuitously to suppose; but that SUCH as bore a mortal hatred against the queen of Scots, in order to strike the greater terrors into Elizabeth, knowing that in the extreme danger of safety, fear excludeth all pity, CAUSED false rumors to be daily spread over all England,' to the effect mentioned in the text, p. 338. Mr. Ellis, in his second series, has printed documents whieh shew that such rumors were spread; viz. the constable of Honiton's order to the mayor of Exeter, dated 2 February, to make diligent search and hue and cry every way for the queen of Scots, who is fled, and to embargo the shipping; and stating that the direction came from M. Howard, esquire. The mayor did so, and next day wrote to lord Burghley, to inquire into the truth of the report. Ellis, v. 3. p. 107, 8. There is also an order, of Saturday 4 February, from justice Bower |