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a portrait of the man. with the facts of the chief's conduct; but he in no case lifts up the heel against him. On the other hand, from the manner in which the laird is cited in the Introduction' as representative of a clan which have been long distinguished ' for devoted loyalty and attachment to their lawful sovereigns,' one might carry away the idea that this James Grant was among the most loyal of the loyal. This negation of criticism, this absence of enlightened characterisation, is somewhat to be regretted; as history, without a faithful and discriminative analysis of individual action, becomes at once colourless and unreal. We had already begun to feel it so when we stumbled upon this gyrating member of the family. The discovery of him was rather comforting than otherwise. Human nature knows what to expect of itself in the course of a few generations, and the story loses the charm of reality when nothing is found but a long succession of immaculately virtuous Highland chiefsall Grants, and all good.

Mr. Fraser has indeed supplied us

Yet James Grant of Freuchie, with all his political vagaries, was largely typical of the Scottish aristocracy of the seventeenth century. The historians of that period have occupied themselves so much with what was purely ecclesiastical and political, that they have lost the key to many of its most important movements. Nor will the bearings of events in that strangely distracted time ever be fully appreciated until more attention is given to the personal history and personal character of the great laymen who figured in its transactions. Much which is attributed to religious feeling and ecclesiastical custom will be found, when examined into, to have been in great part due to the personal bias and the class instincts of the aristocracy. To understand the actions we must first know and understand the actors; and this has not hitherto been sufficiently done. Even Mr. Gardiner, whose knowledge of that century is perhaps unsurpassed, sees nothing of the results of this personality except in the case of three or four of the chief movers among the Scottish aristocracy of the day. Other modern historians have been equally blind to the importance of the line of study which we here indicate. Aikman had neither the temper nor the means available for reckoning up the part which the aristocracy had in the struggle. Malcolm Laing set himself to follow out the polemical clue, and that only. Cook, while of broader sympathies and clearer views than any ecclesiastical historian since, was also too much disposed

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to look at the whole matter from the clerical standpoint. Hill Burton, of whom other things might have been expected, failed likewise to see the part which the aristocracy played, and his enumeration of chiefs on either side of the controversy at different times is little other than a barren list of names, with no more personality attaching to them than if they had been so many algebraic symbols. Even amidst the vital throes of the nation in 1638, he is content to devote a whole chapter to the differences between the English Prayer-book and the Prayer-book issued by Laud, and many pages of other chapters to the discussion of the legal effects of 'protests,' suspensions,' and the like-work which was not historical, but archæological. He was satisfied to let the splendid pageantry of events in that time sweep by him unnoticed, so that he were left undisturbed in his task of chronicling the small beer of legal and liturgical antiquities. The same space devoted to the study of the aristocracy of that century, and of their relations to the King, the clergy, and the nation at large, would have led to results of the most interesting and vital kind. But the fact of Hill Burton's not having done so may be attributed in great part to his want of historical imagination-a faculty the presence of which is absolutely necessary in one who would seek to synchronise and fuse into one organic whole the varied and frequently hostile elements of that broken and discordant time. such a study of the Scottish aristocracy of the seventeenth century be ever made, James Grant of Freuchie will by no means be left alone to bear the odium of recusancy and tergi

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The successor of James Grant was his son Ludovick, and with him its full measure of sturdy Highland independence was restored to the house of Grant. He was, in truth, a strong character, and worthily occupied, as chief of his clan, a position of the highest influence and authority in the North. A story is told illustrative of this. When James, Duke of York (afterwards James II. of England), was acting in Scotland as the King his brother's Commissioner, he was present at a meeting of the Scottish Parliament when Ludovick Grant demanded that his protest should be recorded against certain measures which had been proposed. His Royal Highness responded with the remark that the wishes of his Highland 'Majesty would be attended to.' In consequence of this sarcastic observation, Ludovick was afterwards popularly known as the Highland King,' and the designation was extended to his successors.

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Laird Ludovick was a Covenanter, and suffered much from the severe acts against conventicles and the proceedings of the Covenanters generally. In 1685 he and his wife were fined by the King's Commissioners in no less a sum than 42,5001. Scots for keeping an unlicensed chaplain, and withdrawing from the ordinances of the prelatic clergy. On petitioning the King, however, for a remission of the fine, the prayer of the petition was, in January 1686, granted. This remission was probably due to the fact that in the interim the laird had acted promptly and loyally against the Duke of Argyll's ill-fated expedition of the previous year-a course of conduct which may have been dictated by an outspoken and pithy letter which he had received from Sir George Mackenzie, the Lord Advocate-the 'bluidy Mackenzie' of the Covenanters-and which was in the following terms:

'Deare Coosen,-I conjure you to show your loyalty now or never; upon it depends the family, which was very honorable before your time. Tak not the pett lyk a child, nor ill counsell lyk a foole, bot shew you(r) principles to be good and your interest to be considerable. Beleev your Coosen,

'GEO. MACKENZIE.'

After the abdication of James II. and the establishment of the government of William III., the Laird of Grant was one of those who signed a congratulatory address to the latter King, and he was afterwards nominated by the Scottish Convention of Estates as one of a committee to consider the condition of the Highlands, and report. In the expedition of General Mackay against Claverhouse, the former censured the laird very severely for what he deemed his remissness in not holding the fords of Spey against Claverhouse; but ultimately Grant rendered good service to Mackay, and appears to have been successful in removing any grudge which the general may at the first have entertained against him.

In the person of this laird's second son, Brigadier-General Alexander Grant, we are introduced to the abortive rebellion of 1715, and to a brief but somewhat close companionship with one of the most striking figures in that and the subsequent rising of '45, Simon Fraser of Beaufort, better known as Lord Lovat. The career of this extraordinary man, even when most prosaically narrated, can hardly fail to raise in the reader's mind the conception of a character more akin to the regions of fiction than of every-day life. He might have been a creation of some powerful historical dramatist, or have formed the central figure of some dark and bitter tragedy. The moving incidents of his life are striking enough in their

bare literalness, and require neither the imagination nor the embellishments of the novelist to heighten their effects.

'At one time,' says Burton, 'a mountain brigand, hunted from cave to cave; at another a laced courtier, welcomed by the first circle in Europe. In summer a powerful baron, with half a kingdom at his back in winter dragged ignominiously to the block. By turns a soldier, a statesman, a Highland chief, a judge administering the law of the land, and, if tradition speaks truth, a Jesuit and a parish priest; uniting the loyal Presbyterian Whig with the Catholic Jacobite, and supporting both characters with equal success.' *

Any fresh light upon the character and proceedings of a man so curiously compounded is not to be lightly regarded; and in these volumes we have what Mr. Fraser believes to be the largest collection of his letters yet drawn together. And his letters have always afforded not the least striking and marvellous indications of the strange mental structure of the man; exhibiting him before us in all his powers of literary style and his versatility of intellectual resources, with his obsequious, almost mendacious, flattery of those whose favour he courted, and his unmeasured and rancorous abuse of all by whom he may have deemed himself offended or mistrusted. An unblushing hypocrite and an unhesitating liar, he regarded neither the rights of others nor the honour of himself. Yet honour is a word often in his mouth, mingling in all his high-sounding protestations of eternal fidelity at the very moment when he may be contemplating how easiest to prove false and betray. But his grandiloquence can rarely prevent the reader from noting that the man is playing a double part; that the flattery with which he greets some of his contemporaries is frequently hollow; and that the blame which he showers on others is in general the black result of hatred and prejudice.

In the first years of the century Lovat was an active Jacobite, and made more than one journey to France in behalf of the Stewarts. But in 1704, his good faith being suspected, he was arrested by the French King, and for nearly ten years detained a prisoner in France. During part of this time he is said to have held a cure in the Roman Catholic Church, and to have been a masked Jesuit. In 1714,

Burton's Life of Lovat,' p. v. The annals of the Frasers of Philorth, compiled with great care by Lord Saltoun, with the assistance of Mr. Fraser, is another genealogical work due to his indefatigable industry, and it contains some valuable materials, especially the correspondence of General Lord Saltoun. But Lovat belonged to an entirely different branch of the Clan Fraser.

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after paving his way by certain politic communications addressed directly and indirectly to the Duke of Argyll and other loyalists, he ventured back to London, but was there placed under arrest. In one of the letters which he had previously addressed from France to Brigadier-General Grant, dated Sept. 24, 1714, Lovat states, referring to the Duke of Argyll, that he had sent the bearer expressly to 'tell to your friend the Duke what I cannot commit to 'paper;' and adds, with the air of a man who is deep in Jacobite secrets and designs, that for some time he had been 'walking upon ice,' and that we will all be by the ears most assuredly, and every man will have need of his friends.' He then, swelling out into his best metaphorical style, takes up his parable of drover-life, and thus proceeds:

'You know, sir, as well as I do, how conveniently my stock' [his clan] 'lies to drive to either side, or to hinder either side to drive, and I dare say, without vanity, that my cattle is as good as any of my neighbours, and that I lie in the centre of all the markets of the north' [the Highland clanships]; so that if the Duke puts me in a condition to trade, he will find that, joined with you and the others engaged in the company he is concerned in' [the Hanoverians], 'that I will oversell the merchants who are against him' [the Jacobites], 'as much as any man can do. I own the matter is difficult, for these merchants are very powerful, and they lie so conveniently for trade that it's almost impossible to hinder them sending north their cattle and goods to what market they please; and since they are assured of English drovers' [the English Jacobites] to receive them, it will be very hard to hinder them. If you live, you will see what I tell you come to pass; and if great precautions be not taken, you and your neighbours will suffer more than any. Depend upon this advertisement; and I entreat you may use your interest with the Duke to clear my accounts, that I may go to consult with you how to carry on our trade. It is his Grace's interest as well as mine and yours, and he will most certainly find it so.'

However much we may dislike the man, and doubt the honesty of his intentions, it is impossible not to admire the literary skill with which he works out his meaning through his metaphor. And in his subsequent letters he fails not to identify the possibilities of his own liberation with the success of the Hanoverian cause. In a letter from Saumur, on the 29th September of the same year, he says that, though all possible appearance be for King George, yet 'there is a great storm that hangs over Scotland, and will 'break out sooner than people expects.' Hence he urges the Duke to obtain a full remission' for him, 'since my heart 'leads me to live and die with the Duke of Argyll and his 'family, whatever his fate may be.' Two months later he

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