whole of those fortifications which might have secured us peace, because they would have diminished, or effectually destroyed, all temptation or hope of success in an attack. In this point of view, as the means of preventing a war, he should conceive, that the first million which would be applied as the foundation for the sinking fund, might not be better applied than a million of money for the fortifications; not that a million would prove necessary, but he chose to state it as high as any other gentleman, let his talents of exaggeration be what they might, could possibly carry it.

There was also another part of the subject which ought to have the greatest weight of all, and this was, that these fortifications being calculated to afford complete security to the dockyards, would enable our whole fleet to go on remote services, and carry on the operations of war at a distance, without endangering the materials and seeds of future navies from being liable to destruction by the invasion of an enemy. It had been insinuated, that the second datum in His Majesty's instructions had been used to draw forth an acquiescence from the board of officers, upon an unreasonable supposition of the flect being absent for an improbable time. He believed there were few gentlemen could forget, that at no very distant period, even since he had the honour of a place in His Majesty's councils, the fleet had been absent for a time nearly equal to that supposed in the datum, upon a service which this country could not have dispensed with, without sacrificing the most brilliant success which attended us in the late war:- a success of such lustre as to spread an irradiation over the more gloomy scenes in which we had been involved. Had we been then in fear of an attack upon our coasts, which from reasons not proper to be mentioned, we happened not to be, Gibraltar, and the renown of defending it, must have been for ever lost. But it was not only by foreign expeditions that we might lose the aid of our fleet in case of an invasion; it might so happen, that our fleet, though in the very Channel, might be prevented by contrary winds, tides, or other contingencies, from arriving to the assistance and relief of the dock

yards. What would then prove the situation of this country? The enemy might, in one day, in one hour, do an irreparable injury, and give a mortal stab to the very vital principle of our national vigour: might effectually destroy the seeds of that navy from which alone we had to hope for commerce, for safety, and for reputation. On the whole, he really thought the present rather a question to be considered as connected with our naval establishment, than that of either our army or ordnance, as it was calculated to give liberty to the fleet which had hitherto been confined to our coasts, and as it were to the defence of those dock-yards, without the security of which, the very existence of the navy, or even of the nation, must be no more. Were it to be asked, why the sum required for these fortifications had not been demanded for strengthening the navy, he should answer fairly, that he thought the same sum laid out upon the fleet, would by no means afford a proportional strength to what would be derived from the fortifications. The money which would prove sufficient to accomplish those works, would not build as many ships as would answer for the defence of those invaluable harbours of Portsmouth and Plymouth. There was, besides, a certain degree beyond which the navy of this country could not go; there was a certain number of ships, beyond which she could neither build nor man any more; what that line was, he could not, nor would it be proper for him to point out: yet necessarily such a line must exist in the nature of things, but there never could be any line drawn to limit the security which we ought to provide for our dock-yards. What could be the reason that gentlemen on the other side of the House scemed so anxious to impede this measure? Were they bold enough to stake themselves upon a question of such awful magnitude, and to stand forward with such decided vehemence as the opponents of a measure, which parliament, thinking itself incompetent to scrutinize, had referred to the highest professional authority in the army, and in the navy; which had received the sanction of that authority; and which the ministers

of the crown, who could have no personal feelings on the subject, except such as from considerations of their own ease and advantage were adverse from it, and who could share no temptations towards it, but a strong sense of its indispensable necessity, 'declared themselves so much interested about, as to be unable to rest upon their pillows so long as it remained in suspense? He called upon the House to beware how they suffered themselves to be lightly drawn into a line of conduct which might involve their posterity, nay themselves, in the heaviest calamities.

He flattered himself that more arguments were scarcely necessary to prove, that the proposed system of fortifying the dockyards was absolutely necessary for the preservation and security of the sources of our marine in case of a future war, and that the system in question had received the unanimous sanction of a board of land and sca officers, consisting of the most respectable and experienced characters in the two services; and that they had in their report pronounced the plan the best adapted to its purpose of any which could be devised, grounded on the most economical principles, and requiring the smallest number of troops. Viewing it properly, it was a naval question, and as such it ought to be considered, because while it gave security to the vital springs and sources of our marine, so far from rendering an increase of the military force of the kingdom necessary, as some gentlemen, from a laudable jealousy of the standing army, and from a natural and zealous regard for the constitution, had been led to imagine, it would actually tend to enable government to keep up a less military establishment than otherwise must be maintained. Thus circumstanced, he should rest all his hopes of support solely upon the power of his arguments to prove what he had asserted in that respect. Having read the words of two preliminary resolutions, which he remarked would prove declaratory of the opinion of the House upon the subject, (should they think fit to adopt them) and which, by being voted previous to their going into the committee of supply, would lay a foundation for their future proceedings, and rest their votes in

the committee upon a perspicuous and permanent footing, Mr. Pitt concluded with moving his first resolution as follows:

"That it appears to this House, that to provide effectually for securing His Majesty's dock-yards at Portsmouth and Plymouth, by a permanent system of fortification, founded on the most economical principles, and requiring the smallest number of troops possible to answer the purpose of such security, is an essential object for the safety of the state, ultimately connected with the general defence of the kingdom, and necessary for enabling the fleet to act with full vigour and effect, for the protection of commerce, the support of our distant possessions, and the prosecution of offensive operations in any war in which the nation may hereafter be engaged."

After a long discussion of the subject, the House came to a division; For Mr. Pitt's motion............169

when the Speaker, by his casting vote, decided the question in the negative.

March 29. 1786.

The House having resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration that part of His Majesty's speech on the 24th of January last which recommended the establishment of a fixed plan for the reduction of the National Debt,

MR. PITT addressed the chairman of the committee as follows:

Sir, The object I have to refer to this committee is, to consider of the means of decreasing the national debt. To attempt to recommend this purpose by any words would surely be quite superfluous: the situation of this country, loaded with an enormous debt, to pay the interest of which every nerve has been stretched, and every resource nearly drained, carries with it a stronger recommendation than any arguments I could possibly adduce. That something should be done to relieve the nation.

all; and, I trust, that in this House there is only one feeling upon the subject. To you do the public turn their eye, justly expecting, that from the trust you hold, you will think it your duty to make the most serious efforts, in order to afford them the long-wished-for prospect of being relieved from an endless accumulation of taxes, under the burthen of which they are ready to sink. Upon the deliberation of this day do they place all their hopes of a full return of prosperity, and that public security, which will give confidence and vigour to those exertions in trade and commerce, upon which the flourishing state of this country so much depends. Yet not only the public and this House, but other nations look to the business of this day; for, by the establishment of what is now proposed, our rank will be decided among the powers of Europe. To behold this country emerging from a most unfortunate war, which added such an accumulation to sums before immense, that it was the belief of surrounding nations, and of many among ourselves, that our powers must fail us, and we should not be able to bear up under it; to behold this nation, instead of despairing at its alarming condition, looking boldly its situation in the face, and establishing upon a spirited and permanent plan the means of relieving itself from all its incumbrances, must give such an idea of our resources, and of our spirit of exertion, as will astonish the nations around us, and enable us to regain that pre-eminence to which we are on many accounts so justly entitled. The propriety and the necessity of adopting a plan for this purpose is not only universally allowed, but it is also admitted that immediate steps ought to be taken to make provision for this purpose. And I am persuaded, that whatever differences of opinion we may have in this House upon political points, no difference of opinion will this day be entertained that effectual provision be immediately made to reduce the debt of this nation.

The chief subject then before the House is, not whether the recommendation in Ilis Majesty's speech should be complied with; nor even is it a matter of dispute what sum ought to be allotted for this purpose; for it seems agreed, by common consent