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Authority solely by the needs for strong government in human affairs. There is no attempt to deny that his respect towards the Church is merely recognition of its moral hold upon the people as an aid to social order and discipline. But these differences between his ideas and those of Catholic teaching have always been insisted upon by those who admired him; and, subject to warning on these aspects of his doctrine, his philosophy has been warmly recommended by many important prelates and theologians. Mgr Marty, the Bishop of Montauban, was only one of those who could not believe at first that the Pope meant to do more than emphasise these warnings which had often been given before. His recent formal submission to the Holy See in its condemnation of the Action Française and M. Maurras was necessitated by his first professions of the belief that the Pope had no intention to give more than a solemn warning, while otherwise leaving Catholics free to remain in the movement.

All that has been condemned-apart from the ban placed upon the newspaper and the movement because of their open defiance of the Pope in practice since the condemnation-is a few books by M. Maurras which have never been among the most important part of his work. Freedom to hold, and to advocate by all legitimate means, the ideals of a monarchical restoration, has been most explicitly proclaimed again and again by the Pope and by all the members of the French hierarchy in explaining the purport of the condemnation. Only the fundamental doctrines of M. Maurras have been condemned, because they deny the existence of God as the prime source of that Authority upon which he constantly insists, and because they subordinate the obligations of religion to the duty which is owed to the State. In practice, the results of the condemnation have given ample confirmation to the complaints that had been made against M. Maurras and his disciples. The Catholic leaders of the movement have in fact deserted their allegiance to the Pope rather than disobey the injunctions of M. Maurras. They have, in fact, followed M. Maurras more blindly' than ever, and have declared that the Pope was urging them to commit a crime like parricide in asking them to repudiate his leadership of the movement. Even the formal decree of excommunica

tion against those who remain in the movement on such terms has not deterred M. Daudet and other Catholic leaders from defying the moral authority of the Pope.

But the lasting influence of what M. Maurras has taught in reaction against romanticism in literature and against individualism in politics can scarcely be exaggerated. It was when the condemnation of the Action Française had already become almost inevitable, and when the controversy concerning him was raging in full blast, that Cardinal Charost paid so generous a tribute to the influence of M. Maurras, even though he has been uncompromising in his insistence upon strict obedience to the Pope. His tribute has been confirmed by similar expressions of gratitude and admiration by other leading members of the hierarchy who have shown an entire absence of bitterness, even under the vehement personal attacks in which M. Maurras and his newspaper have indulged. The reasons for the condemnation of M. Maurras were overwhelming. But while the condemnation was judged to be necessary as a warning to Catholic young men, and in view of the critical position of the Church in regard to French politics, the influence of M. Maurras as the chief prophet of reaction, in literature and politics, cannot fail to survive the condemnation of part of his writing and of the political movement which he has created. He has, in fact, brought into existence, with his own brilliant gifts and magnificent perseverance as a propagandist, what Cardinal Charost described as 'the first counter-revolutionary movement on an ample and organised scale that has arisen since the Encyclopædists.' His influence has already extended far beyond France; and there could be no greater tribute to its extent than the fact that the Pope found it necessary to issue his public warning against certain aspects of his teaching, because his influence had captivated Catholic students of another country.

D. GWYNN.

Art. 8.-THE PLACE OF ADVERTISING IN INDUSTRY. Two recent events have caused serious persons, not themselves in touch with advertising, to give attention to its present position and its possible developments. The first is the setting up by the British Government of an official organisation for advertising Imperial products. This seems to be something of a portent in the world of business. The second is the keen and wide interest shown in the Advertising Exhibition held at Olympia last July: which, although technical in its appeal, captured the public fancy. An attendance of over 108,000 in a week seems to show that people now regard advertising as something they are concerned to study and understand. It seems a fitting time, therefore, to undertake some review of the position of advertising to-day, of the services it is rendering to industry and commerce, of the question whether or not its efforts enure to the public advantage, and of its methods.

The Empire Marketing Board, which has for its Chairman the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs and for the Colonies, is as official an organisation as any Government Department may be, but it performs novel functions. The Board does much more than advertise Imperial produce by press and poster. It concerns itself actively and widely in promoting research into the problems of production, transport, and marketing. Amongst its principal aims is that of ensuring that Imperial products shall be the best of their kind and graded and packed in ways that will fit them better to secure a steady and expanding place in the Home Market. These activities, however, are not so visible as is its function in respect to advertising. In its relationship to the general public, it is a machine for co-operative advertising, with aims and methods differing in no essential from those employed by individual industries, such as Gas, British Motor Cars, the Opticians, the Regent Street shopkeepers, and many others.

The Board did not break wholly fresh ground when it brought the Government into advertising. The State has always used the columns of the newspapers for notifying open contracts; but those are official announce

ments involving no skill in presentation and addressing no appeal to the general public. Even before the War the Services had used posters for securing recruits; but it was during the War that the late Sir Hedley le Bas secured Lord Kitchener's approval for an active and persuasive advertising campaign for recruiting. The arts of the advertising men were also used in commending to the citizen the duty of giving patriotic support to the War Loans.

Broadly speaking, however, it is true to say that Government advertising has, until lately, been concerned with official activities. The novel feature of the Empire Marketing Board's Work is that its advertising is designed to develop the prosperity not only or especially of the producer at home, but of producers throughout the Empire. The Home Government felt unable to give the producers of the overseas Empire certain fiscal preferences, which they would have liked to enjoy. It therefore set out to create amongst home consumers such a measure of voluntary preference as might bring the same commercial results. The Home Government was in fact driven to seek the aid of advertising in order to achieve a highly important Imperial result.

It is fair to say at once that they were not quite the first in the field. The Australian Government, faced with the problem of securing an outlet for the increasing exports of their dried fruit and other commodities, instituted in England an advertising campaign. The Director of Australian Trade Publicity in London is charged with the duty of convincing the home consumer that dried fruits, butter, etc., from Australia should be bought in preference to similar produce from foreign countries, and he pursues his task successfully.

The Empire Marketing Board's policy is the same, but it embraces the widest possible list of products, and primarily emphasises the merits of food produced within the United Kingdom. The task is obviously a difficult one, but those who are in close touch with the mechanism of retail trade in these islands are convinced that the character of those appeals is definitely moulding public opinion, and creating, slowly but surely, that voluntary preference which it is designed to effect; and this after no more than a year's campaign. When the results of

the researches, fostered by the Board, are seen in a greater regularity of supply, in a more precise standard of quality, and in all the benefits that follow better grading, better packing, better transport, and better means of identification-then, but not till then, will the Board's advertising achieve its maximum force in selling the Empire's produce.

It is, however, proper to inquire whether the Government was justified in agreeing that some part, even though not a large part, of the Empire Marketing Board's annual grant of a million should be expended on advertising. Some people find virtue and comfort in the theory that 'Good wine needs no bush.' It is the pet proverb of those business men who persist in believing that advertisement is a waste of money. This theory has a respectable historical origin, but it must be rejected as being wholly misleading in the light of modern experience.

England was the first country in the world to develop the industrial mind. Our leadership in mechanical invention, our coal, our traditions of mercantile adventure, our pre-eminence in shipping, and our Free Trade system, gave to British manufacturers the first place in the world's favour. If the foreigner wanted things within a large range of variety, he was driven to buy them here or to go without. Experience in manufacture and the habit of quality gave to our goods a reputation which enabled us for a century to ignore the increasing foreign competition. For a long time it was true that good wine needed no bush. The goods sold themselves. Deliberate education as to their merits would have been a work of supererogation. But times changed. First Germany, and then, gradually, the other European countries, developed a special skill in some line of manufacture. They could scarcely hope, without our corps of skilled workmen, and without our pride of quality, to compete on equal terms with us. They cut the price by cutting the quality, and had lower standards of wages to help them. There followed the new competition which came from the inventiveness of America and their development of mass production.

With these new industrial powers in the United States a fresh force in industry came into being. Intelli