The American Civil War involved the underlying desire of the people to preserve unity, and Lincoln's inspired instinct led them to maintain Federation, preserve the energies of a great continent intact for the development of its immense natural resources under one Government, and thus avoid disruption with its weakening effects.

From these instances we may deduce the conclusion that competition, which is a part of our nature, becomes regulated as society moves on in the path of civilisation, and that the wars of the past, before our modern industrial system emerged, were mostly wars connected with commerce, and arose out of competitive commercial instincts deep seated in the peoples of those days.

The question to which this discussion leads up is whether competition in material things as defined above led to Germany's recent wars, and will, if uncontrolled or unregulated, lead to future wars. That question can only be answered in the affirmative. The Franco-Prussian War was undertaken for unity preparatory to commercial development, and involved, among other things, the control of valuable deposits of iron ore then known to exist. As regards the recent war, it was said by most Germans to have been undertaken to secure Germany's 'place in the sun.' That expression presupposes a favoured treatment for some people while others are to be at a disadvantage, and our sense of justice has never tolerated that idea. We have gone to undeveloped countries because they did not develop their resources-in fact could not. Once they can do so, we invite them to take their place in the comity of nations, but they will have to submit to the laws of competition like everybody else. Our work has been accomplished by individual incentive operating in lonely and discouraging fields. If the expression place in the sun means a fair field and no favour, Germany had that. The war, in fact, was a predatory one, planned by a huge perfectly organised competitive unit. Not only the Junkers, but the mercantile, banking and agricultural communities, and a powerful Press, had their representatives in the Pan-German League, all co-operating in a spirit of unfair competition. Of such stuff wars are made.

III. Can we control Competition? Can we regulate it so as to prevent wars altogether, or check them in process of formation, or make them less likely to happen?

If competition is of the essence of human society, it follows that we must be careful how we interfere with it, otherwise we may be laying the axe to the tree of constructive effort.

If the competitive spirit has in the past played its part in driving nations into war, is there any means by which this spirit can be kept within the channels of constructive effort?

This subject should not be approached in a contentious spirit. Rather let us select material for argument which will allow impersonal discussion. Fluellen, O'Trigger, and the Border robbers did not object when we took away their characters. Let us make experiment with the reputation of one of Solomon's heroes, the husband of the virtuous woman.

He must have been a predatory patriarch, since it is said that he had 'no need of spoil' after his wife exhibited the true qualities of a competitive merchant. She rises while it is yet night, considers and buys a field, plants a vineyard, brings her food from afar. She has the human touch as well as the constructive vision. It can scarcely be supposed that such a paragon of service should not be well served.

It looks as if Trade has need of spoil,' becomes predatory and parasitic, and leads to wars, first industrial, then to those of nations, unless the constructive virtues are practised. Everyone may paraphrase Solomon in the way he likes best, but the above conclusions seem inevitable unless human nature greatly changes.

The first answer, then, must be that wars will come unless we try to prevent them. And we must make our efforts far more effectual than they have been in the past.

This must be the work of the individual added to the work of other individuals, together producing a collective and cumulative effort which mankind will find it impossible to resist. All the intellect and all the resources of every individual have to be enlisted in this cause, so as to form an irresistible group stronger than the predatory forces that make for war. The forces that make for peace have to compete with the forces that make for war and overcome them, not by spasmodic efforts, but by a continuous pursuit of the right ideals.

What are these ideals?

1. Is not the disregard of economic laws one of the most fruitful sources of war, industrial war as well as wars of nations?

2. Is not the faithful fulfilment of obligations one of the great safeguards against such wars ?

Firstly, as regards 'economic laws.' The true merchant, according to Solomon, looks well to the ways of the household, the laws of the house in which we have to live and on which our very existence depends. It will not avail us to talk vaguely of our moral responsibilities to society while each one of us relentlessly pursues what he wants according to his own notions of fair play and justice. We have also to consider how our actions and conduct will affect the position of other people. Economic laws override human plans. They are continually forcing themselves upon our attention after they have been disobeyed. Some of them will readily suggest themselves.

The confiscation of peoples' savings saps the development of business. Money readily transfers itself to other countries, and human enterprise follows its own star. A man will buy the best article he can in the cheapest market, but if he has no money he cannot buy, and if he is not producing he will have no money. All your acts have consequences and, if you destroy initiative and potential or dynamic wealth,' your competitor ousts you. If your environment does not suit you, you must adapt yourself to it or find another. No laws ever made trade; it makes or mars itself, and no State aid or interference can ever take the place of private effort. You cannot take a business out of the hands of those who know how to work it. Natural and industrial products seek their affinities. Willing production competes successfully against half-hearted production.

These are hard laws, but trade opportunities will not wait for a man to make up his mind. He competes successfully who

Grasps the skirts of happy chance,

And breasts the blows of circumstance,

And grapples with his evil star.

The recent war was an attempt on the part of the aggressor to override all economic laws.

Secondly, as to 'obligations.' The idea of contractual obligations is at least 4000 years old, and is the basis of all civilised society. It occurs in an old code of the irrigated lands of Mesopotamia in a wonderfully modern form. The Roman law of contract was incorporated with the common law of Europe. What is a contract? When two or more parties agree upon the same thing in the same sense for a consideration, that gives rise to rights and obligations. It may be relieved against when fraud, mistake, or undue influence is shown. When broken it may in some cases be enforced; in others the injured party gets damages. Unless individuals and States fulfil their obligations the fabric of society crumbles away. Hugo Grotius, with personal experience of the Thirty Years' War, attempted to apply to sovereign States the laws which govern individuals. From this attempt came our modern international law. That did not prevent wars, nor did the later development of the Hague Tribunal, but both undoubtedly controlled and regulated wars.

There can be no doubt that competition, which is a part of our nature, becomes controlled and regulated by agreement as society moves on in the path of civilisation, but if the predatory and parasitic side of human nature gets the upper hand, then wars are inevitable. An immense majority of people in the world, if allowed to do so, will use its energies in the best kind of services. The machinery of proved laws and the Association of the League of

Nations, which competes with those forces and is by far the greatest constructive idea of our time, come to the aid of that majority, but if those forces run unchecked, then wars with all their consequences will continue.

Sic omnia fatis

In pejus ruere, ac retro sublapsa referri,

Non aliter quam qui adverso flumine lembum
Remigiis subigit, si brachia forte remisit

Atque illum in praeceps prono rapit alveus amni.

It lies upon the conscience of each individual not to lay down

his oars.

ARTHUR CASPERSZ.

1923

THE WORKERS AND THE GREEK SPIRIT

THE Dean of St. Paul's, in an article contributed to The Legacy of Greece, has reminded us that

a. . . revolt is in progress among the plebs urbana, which does in truth threaten with destruction 'what we owe to Greece.' The industrial revolution has generated a new type of barbarism, with no roots in the past. For the second time in the history of Western Europe, continuity is in danger of being lost. Quite logically [he adds] the new spirit is in revolt against what it calls intellectualism, which means the application of the dry light of reason to the problems of human life. It wishes to substitute for reason what some of its philosophers call instinct, but which should rather be called sentiment and emotion. There is no reconciliation between this view of life and Hellenism. For science is the eldest and dearest child of the Greek spirit. One of the great battles of the future will be between science and its enemies. The misologists have numbers on their side; but Nature,' whom all the Greeks honoured and trusted, will be justified in her children.

Now whenever it comes to pass that sentiment and emotion are substituted for reason in the direction and governance of the British Empire its days are numbered. The fate of Russia is a warning. Clear thinking is the great need of the time. But you cannot suddenly by a word teach a people to think clearly. Only education, thorough and prolonged, can do that. Those who will be the men and women of fifteen years hence may be taught; the men and women of to-day are beyond the influence of schools. And one must admit sadly that, even if they had had a much sounder education than was given to them, it would still have been very difficult for men who by the million are out of work, underfed, and badly housed, and who see their wives and children suffering by no fault of theirs, to reflect quietly, without prejudice or bias, upon the social and economic problems of the day. They are up against the things that hurt. They are in pain, and they crave relief; but no relief comes. The orthodox advisers have no remedy to offer them, no remedy but patience. What can they do then but turn to the quack? After all, there is a chance there, and, at grips with a terrible disease, an untrained, unstored mind will certainly explore it. If it succeeds it is well; if it fails, from their point of view at any rate, things can hardly be much