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party had expected to control. The military were the first to feel disgusted at the change. The veterans of the vieille garde' of the 'grande armée,' could little brook the insolence of those favoured troops, who, reviving the old names, the old uniforms, the old prejudices of a by-gone system, considered it their principal distinction to have escaped the contaminating victories of an usurper. Offended at the loss of their eagles, passionately fond of their ancient colours, the soldiery received a provocation in the order to change the numbers of their regiments; and obeyed, with illsmothered indignation, the command which severed them from the last of their military recollections. And, if the soldiery considered themselves aggrieved, so also did the generals and the marshals of the empire deem they had their causes of complaint. The recent genealogies of the camp lost their illustration before the ancient chivalry of the court. Trusted with high commands, the great officers of Napoleon were treated with little respect; while their wives — long accustomed to the homage of that ardent and warlike youth who passed with alternate passions from the battle to the ball — long accustomed to have their charms undisputed and adored—now galled by the contempt of a new race of rivals, now disconcerted by the formal hauteur' of the old courtier, and the supercilious disregard of the young noblefilled the salons' of the Queen Hortense, listened with sparkling eyes to the vivacious sallies of Madame Hamelin,* and sighed for the graceful confidences of Josephine, and the splendid days of Marie Louise. The army then was the first to be disgusted ;-the battle of Waterloo decided that the wishes of the army could not be obeyed.
Nothing could have happened more fortunate for the Bourbons than the events of the hundred days; those events had alarmed the civil part of the nation at the power which the military part possessed; they had rendered the nation jealous of the army-they had dispersed and dispirited the army itself—they had shown France that she could only obtain change by a war with Europe, and that for such a war she was too weak; and more than all this, they had furnished a comparison be
The hundred days might fairly be called “the revolution of the women;" and among the ladies engaged in the intrigues of the time, the most conspicuous for her talents, her conversation, her energy, her charms, and the confidence of Bonaparte, was that lady whom I have just mentioned !
tween the additional act' of the empire, and the constitutional charta' of the restoration.
If Bonaparte, by his defeat on the field of battle, attached to his name some melancholy and affectionate remembrances, the recollections which Louis XVIII, had left in the legislative assembly—the calm courage and the noble dignity with which, in the presence of his military rival, he had held the charta as a buckler before the throne, were favourable to his person, and threw a constitutional halo round the renewal of his reign.*
The remonstrances of foreign diplomacy, the manifest faults which the royalists had themselves committed, the bitter lesson that Bonaparte brought with him from Elba, the certainty that the nation was neutral, and the army
* It was before quitting Paris that Louis XVIII., who had, from the first landing of Napoleon, shown calmness, firmness, and dignity, made the attempt to excite a constitutional enthusiasm by appearing to the chambers, and delivering one of those remarkable discourses which no one better knew how to utter or compose. “Celui qui vient allumer parmi nous les torches de la guerre civile y apporte aussi la fléau de la guerre étrangère, il vient remettre notre patrie sous son joug de fer, il vient enfin détruire cette charte constitutionelle que je vous ai donnée, cette charte, mon plus beau titre aux yeux de la postérité, cette charte, que
hostile--the good sense of Louis XVIII. himself, who saw that his policy must be to unite under the wing of the monarchy the different factions into which an attachment to the old ‘régime,'a prominent part in the revolution, or a situation under the empire, had split his agitated and divided people-procured for a moment the appearance of moderation, which the dismissal of the Duc de Blacas, and the appointment of Fouché, a regicide, and Guizot, a protestant, to office, seemed to guarantee. But how often is it deemed impossible to adopt a general system of conciliation without a partial display of force. The party who clamour for punishment must be appeased, while there is something fatally flattering to human vanity in the demonstration that if we choose to be
generous, we dare to be severe. Hence those fatal executions and proscriptions which overshadowed the great name of the Duke of Wellington, and revived the worst memories of the French republic. Hence the exile of Carnot, the assassination of Labédoyère*, while Nismes, tous les Français chérissent, et que je jure ici de maintenir.”
“We'll die for the King,” shouted the people; but • liberty' was not at that time a habit, and Bonaparte marched to Paris at the head of his troops.
* Labédoyère was not actually brought to trial until the ministry of Richelieu.
Toulouse, and Marseilles, were disgraced by the madness of an infuriated populace, * and the blood of Marshal Brune at Avignon disgraced the cause of royalty and religion.
It was now that a new class of persons, attached to the Bourbons at the commencement of their reign, began to wish and to conspire for their overthrow. The republicans and the more liberal part of the constitutionalists had welcomed the restoration from their hatred of Bonaparte: and though the senate felt that the octroyization of the charta was an attack in point of form upon the privileges of the nation, still it felt also that that charta did in fact assure those privileges. We find then that Barras, previous to the hundred days, warned the Duc de Blacas of the catastrophe that was preparing, and that Manuel and Lafayette, after the battle of Waterloo, paralyzed all Napoleon's further plans of resistance. Had it not been for this— had the liberal and the military part of France been at that time united, a battle would have been fought under the
* It is but justice to observe, that the state of the Protestants in the South excited the attention of the British and Prussian governments, who insisted on the repression of these disorders.