opinion, accrue to the community from resistance, than mischief." "The lawfulness of resistance, or the lawfulness of a revolt, does not depend alone upon the grievance which is sustained or feared, but also upon the probable expense and event of the contest." And again: "No usage, law, or authority whatever, is so binding, that it need or ought to be continued, when it may be changed with advantage to the community." This is surely sufficiently explicit, and sufficiently revolutionary. It is difficult to see how the doctrine of a social compact could lead to results more thoroughgoing, and more radical, than these. With the general doctrine here advanced, that resistance is, at times, a duty, I fully agree; and also that it must be left with the people to decide when the proper time has come for such resistance. But that, in deciding this important point, we have only, or chiefly, to take into account the expense, and the probable issue of the contest, as weighed against the amount of grievance, admits of question. There may be other and more important considerations, as it seems to me, than even these; and I can conceive of cases, not of improbable occurrence, in which resistance would be the duty of the people, or the citizen, against the most powerful odds, and with but the slightest prospect of success. The Rule and the Exception. It must be borne in mind, however, in all discussions of this subject, that the general duty of the subject is obedience, not resistance; that the latter is the exception, the former the rule; and that, while cases may occur which shall render the exception justifiable, a steady adherence to the rule is, under ordinary circumstances, the only wise and safe course. There is certainly more danger, at least in any free and intelligent community, that the people, jealous of their rights, and forgetful of their obligations, will be lacking in the duty of obedience to constituted authority, than that they will be wanting in the spirit of manly resistance to unjust and arbitrary rule. The tendency, it must be confessed, in our own country, at the present time, is rather to a want than to an excess of reverence for and loyalty to established institutions and forms of government, and especially for that which is the foundation of all, the constitution. Obedience enjoined in Scripture.-The word of God is very explicit on this point. We are directed to submit ourselves "to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake; whether it be to the king, as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God," etc. (1 Peter ii. 13-15). And still more explicitly: "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same; for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore, ye must needs be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake. For, for this cause, pay you tribute also; for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render, therefore, to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor" (Rom. xiii. 1-7). These passages might seem, at first sight, to teach the doctrine of unlimited and passive obedience. Such, I think, cannot be the intention of the sacred writers; but rather, as Paley justly remarks, to set forth the duty of obedience to civil government, without describing the extent of it. They place before the Christian disciple the duty of submission and obedience, not to this or that particular form of government, but to the established authority of the land in which he dwells. They inculcate this duty in the same way, and on the same ground, as the duty of obedidience to parental authority in the family. It was no part of the object of the writers, in these passages, to point out exceptions, but only to enforce the rule. We are not to infer from this, however, that in all cases whatsoever obedience is a duty, and resistance a sin. In the words of an able, but cautious and conservative writer,—Whewell, "These passages do not at all show that in any state it may not be the duty of the powers that be to alter the laws, to appoint new magistrates, new magistracies, and the like; and allowable in extreme cases, in cases of necessity, to alter the constitution of the country, or to depose the sovereign." 3. SUPPORT AND DEFENCE. To obey, is not the whole duty of the citizen. The civil authority is to be maintained by needful supplies, and, if need be, defended against foreign aggression. To this end, taxes may justly be levied, whether directly, or in the shape of duties imposed on articles of commerce; and to all such regulations looking to the necessary fiscal revenues of the gov ernment, the citizen ought willingly to submit. The state cannot exist for any length of time, nor the affairs of government be administered, without resources. In some form, its expenses must be provided for by the citizens; and in whatever mode this may be done, it is the duty of every man to bear his fair proportion of the expense. Evasion of the laws which regulate this matter, is as really dishonorable, and immoral, as evasion of any laws respecting property. To cheat the government, is as really a fraud as to cheat a private person. It is even a greater dishonesty, and a more serious crime, inasmuch as the rights of the state are of more dignity and importance than those of the individual. When my dishonesty goes no further than to take the property of my neighbor, I defraud one man only; when it extends to the property of government, I defraud the whole community. Tribute to whom tribute is due, is the rule of the sacred Scriptures. We are to render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, no less than to God the things that are God's. - Not less is it the duty of the citizen to defend the state, if need be, from personal violence. In repelling aggression from without, or sustaining, by personal service, civil or military, the authority of government against sedition and rebellion, against lawlessness and anarchy within its own borders, the aid of the citizen may be necessary. The good and true citizen, who understands well what he owes to himself, and to society, will never hesitate in such an emergency. At the call of his country, in defence of law and justice, in defence of the state to which he owes allegiance, he will be ready to sacrifice, if need be, all personal considerations of ease, safety, or profit, and lay upon the altar of freedom and of the right, himself and whatever he has. CHAPTER IV. DUTIES OF THE STATE TO ITS SUBJECTS. IT is to be borne in mind that the state, as already defined, is simply a society or community, dwelling together in the same territory, and organized for purposes of government. When we inquire, then, for the duties of the state to its subjects, we are simply inquiring what duties the whole society, or the aggregate of individuals, as thus organized, owes to each of its members. To this, a plain and obviously correct reply, comprehensive of all, is this: It is the duty of the state to protect every one of its subjects in all his proper rights; in other words, to do what it virtually engages and promises to do, by the terms of its constitution, or social compact. this it The question, What are the proper rights of the subject? may admit of various opinions. They may be more or less expressly guaranteed to him in the laws and constitution of his country; and in different states these may vary.There can be no question, however, as to the general position that it is the duty of the state to carry out and fulfill the specific objects for which it was created. Whatever is necessary to secure the great ends for which it exists, whatever is necessary for the highest good of all, has the right to do, and ought to do. This is a duty which it owes to the whole, and to each individual. General Sphere of State Authority. its now specified, the authority of the state is complete and supreme. So far as the constitution allows, and the public good requires, it may coerce, restrain, and punish; may impose taxes; regulate the tenure and transmission of property; promote industry, education, religion; declare Within the lim |