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and this aspect only. But the League, as now constituted, is much more than this. It not only binds its supporters to maintain the independence and the territorial integrity of each of its members (Art. 10), but it establishes (Art. 22) what is known as the Mandatory System, under which the League acts as a trustee for the universe, and exercisés a sort of tutelage over 'the colonies and territories which, as a consequence of the late war, have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them,' and are as yet unable to stand by themselves.

The League, therefore, really consists of two distinct parts; and it is the second part, involving, as it does, incalculable responsibilities, that is objected to by the Republican party and the hard-and-fast supporters of the Monroe Doctrine in the United States. But it is just this accretion, this towering edifice built on the original foundations, which should save the League. It gives scope for constant employment and therefore real vitality to a combination which otherwise might have died of inanition. Moreover, it indicates a machinery for the revision of the treaty, in view of new conditions and unforeseen circumstances. It may at once be acknowledged that the Mandatory System was worked out chiefly on this side of the water, and is therefore not of American origin. Hinted at first, we believe, in a speech by Mr Balfour, foreshadowed in addresses by Lord Robert Cecil, it was fully developed in General Smuts' admirable pamphlet, which may be regarded as the literary basis of the present League.

The adoption of the Mandatory System supplied a way out of the difficulties raised by the 'no annexation' principle when confronted by the facts of the situation. It was generally agreed that the conquered colonies could not be restored to Germany, nor the non-Turkish portions of the Ottoman Empire to Turkey; what was to be done with them? A solution was found in the Mandatory System, and was accepted by Mr Wilson and our Allies. It was not accepted without protest by the self-governing Dominions concerned; and their objections to the restrictions imposed by the League, as at first drafted, upon their freedom of action in the territories to be allotted to them threatened at one time serious

trouble. The difficulty was met by a careful graduation of the powers to be granted to the Mandatories in accordance with the stage of civilisation reached by the territories in question, and other circumstances.

The earlier provisions of the League have been so fully discussed that, even if space allowed, it would not be worth while to refer to them here; but it will be well to mention some of the more important alterations and additions introduced after the submission of the draft on Feb. 14, because the character of the League, and perhaps its capacity for effective action, have been considerably modified thereby.

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In the constitution of the League little alteration was made. The Body of Delegates' becomes the 'Assembly'; the Executive Council' becomes the Council'-a concession to the smaller States who were inclined to regard, with some justice, the machinery of the League as devised to execute the will of the Great Powers. For similar reasons, the Council is now empowered, with the consent of the majority of the Assembly, 'to increase the number of members [i.e. the minor States] of the League to be selected by the Assembly for representation on the Council' (Art. 4). But, inasmuch as the Council (i.e. the Five Great Powers and four other members) is also empowered to name additional members for permanent representation on the Council, the Great Powers will always be able to retain the dominating position accorded to them, which, after all, is only just and in accordance with facts. By an important addition to Art. 1, any member, if it gives two years' notice and has fulfilled all its obligations, may withdraw from the League.

By Art. 5, decisions, whether in the Council or in the Assembly, are now to be unanimous. This momentous innovation is doubtless an adequate safeguard against indiscreet meddling; but, considering the difficulty of getting the Concert of Europe' to agree about anything, it seems not unlikely that it will generally reduce the League to inaction. The seat of the League is now fixed at Geneva (Art. 7), but may be transferred. By the same article, all posts in connexion with the League are now thrown open 'equally to men and women.'

With regard to the reduction and limitation, of armaments, the plans formulated by the Council for the

consideration and action of the several Governments are now to be revised (Art. 8) at least once every ten years. Such a process is likely to prove an 'acid test' of the unanimity required by Art. 5. The powers of the International Court of Justice are somewhat enlarged (Arts. 13, 14); and the jurisdiction and procedure of the Court are more clearly defined (Art. 15). By Art. 16 it is now decreed that the Council may, by an unanimous vote, expel any member who violates the Covenant.

One of the most striking modifications is introduced by a new article (Art. 21) which enacts that 'nothing in the Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of

regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine for securing the maintenance of peace.' This provision was, of course, inserted to appease the susceptibilities of the United States; but it is somewhat difficult to see why an announcement of policy by a member of the League should be styled an 'understanding,' seeing that, so far as we are aware, the Doctrine has never hitherto been officially recognised by any other Power. That recognition has now been obtained; and the control of the United States over the New World is thereby assured. But it may be pointed out that, by adhesion to the League of Nations, the United States have abandoned one side of the Monroe Doctrine-the abstention from ' entangling alliances'; while, if the League of Nations is a reality, the other side, viz. the veto on European acquisitiveness in the western hemisphere, has become superfluous. The clause is a blot on the Treaty, masking a separatist imperium in imperio under the transparent disguise of a measure to maintain peace.

It cannot be said that the scheme for a League of Nations, though slightly improved in detail, has been strengthened by the criticism to which it has been subjected. It has rather been weakened, for the criticism has generally been actuated by dislike for the limitations of national sovereignty which such an undertaking must entail. But, such as it is, we welcome it as the embodiment of a progressive idea, the expression of a lofty hope. It is but a fragile vessel, though it has been launched by the greatest assemblage of power that the world has ever seen. It will have to face tempestuous seas. If its commanders display in peace the qualities

which they have shown in war-unity, courage and determination-if they put into vigorous and concerted action the powers conferred upon them, it will weather the storm and bring a precious cargo home. If, on the other hand, they shrink at the outset, if they neglect the opportunities for self-assertion which are sure to present themselves, the League will fall into disrepute and fade away. Nevertheless, even if such an ending proves that the world is not yet ripe for the great adventure, the Covenant will go down to history as a long step towards a true Comity of Nations.

We come now to those portions of the Treaty which more directly concern Germany, and, first, the territorial cessions. The future boundaries of the German State are defined in Arts. 27-30, and follow the lines laid down in the subsequent Articles (31-114).

Germany recognises (Art. 31) the determination of the treaties of 1839, which established the neutrality of Belgium, and cedes to that country (Arts. 32-39) the small territories of Moresnet, Eupen and Malmédy. These territories lie on the eastern frontier of Belgium, between Aix-la-Chapelle and the Grand-Duchy of Luxemburg. There is no question that Moresnet, with its predominantly Walloon population, rightly belongs to Belgium. In Eupen and Malmédy the population is more mixed; but Eupen is part of the Belgian district of Baelen, and the economic relations of all three districts indicate a closer connexion with Belgium than with Germany. In these somewhat ambiguous conditions it has been rightly provided that a plebiscite shall be taken in Eupen and Malmédy (Art. 34) to determine whether the whole or part remain under German sovereignty.' The ultimate decision in view of this vote is to rest with the League of Nations.

To France Germany restores (Art. 51) Alsace-Lorraine. The conditions and consequences of the restoration occupy Arts. 52-79, and are too elaborate for discussion here. We can only observe that it is a retrocession which requires no defence, for it is in accordance with justice, with the principle of self-determination, and, in particular, with clause 8 of the Fourteen Points. But perhaps nothing in the Treaty marks more definitely the

defeat of Prussian militarism than the loss of these two provinces, whose conquest and retention were universally recognised as the chief symbol of its power. Their great economical value will, it may be hoped, go far to enable France to restore her crippled resources and to revive her manufactures. We may also trust that, for her own sake as well as theirs, she will treat her new acquisitions with due regard to their peculiar character, their specia interests, and their ethnological diversity.

Closely connected with Alsace-Lorraine, not only geographically but also historically, is the district known as the Saar Basin. The principal coal-field lies on each side of the Saar, a tributary of the Moselle, from Saargemünd (Saarguemines) to near Merzig, the larger portion being on the right or eastern bank of the river. It extends for about 90 miles in a N.E. and S.W. direction, and covers an area of about 1400 square miles. Its value lies largely in the fact that close by are the great deposits of minette iron-ore, which extend along the western or left bank of the Moselle, from Longwy on the Belgian frontier to Nancy, a distance of some 70 miles, and cover an area of about 1300 square miles. The Saar coal-field lies wholly within the late German frontier; and the population, except a single commune in the south-west, is German. The iron-fields, excepting the southern portion near Nancy, are half in what was since 1871 German, half in French territory; but the population is almost purely French. The south-western quarter of the Saar coal-field, lying within the old frontier of Lorraine, and the German portion of the iron-field, were annexed in 1871; and German publicists have frequently regretted that they did not annex the whole. The rectification of this mistake was one of their chief aims in the recent war.

By the retrocession of Lorraine the whole of the iron-field comes back into French hands; and by Arts. 45-50 France obtains temporary usage of the greater part of the Saar coal-field, an irregular square extending north-eastward from the old Lorraine frontier to Homburg and St Wendel, and measuring from 30 to 35 miles each way. This transfer is made (Art. 45) 'as compensation for the destruction of the coal-mines in the north of France and as part payment towards the

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