of these, five thousand were in the hospitals, and Le Clerc himself, with several of his best officers, had fallen victims to the climate. Rochambeau took command after the death of Le Clerc; but the increasing force and success of the negroes decimated his troops, and in February, 1803, he found himself reduced to extremity. When matters were in this condition, a finishing blow was given to the hopes of the French army, by the rupture of the treaty of Amiens, and renewal of hostilities between France and Great Britain. The negroes, supplied with arms and ammunition by the English cruisers, became at all points irresistible, and the invaders were forced to capitulate.

Since the expulsion of the French from the island, St. Domingo has been nominally independent; but slavery is far from being abolished there, and the condition of the people is anything but meliorated by the change. The industrious habits of the people and the flourishing aspect of the island have disappeared; the agricultural opulence of its fields has vanished; and, from being the greatest exporting island in the West Indies, it has ceased to raise sugar at all. In 1789, the population of St. Domingo was six hundred thousand, and its export of sugar amounted to six hundred and seventy-two millions of pounds weight: in 1832, its population was two hundred and eighty thousand, and its export of sugar, not one pound.

But, though Napoleon was thus foiled in his attempts to establish colonial dependencies, he did not limit his ambition to this achievement. Simultaneously with the expedition to St. Domingo, he began to operate on the field of Europe, and the peace of Amiens was hardly concluded, when his conduct gave unequivocal proof that he was resolved to be fettered by no treaties, and that, to those who did not choose to submit to his authority, no alternative remained but the sword.

By the 11th article of the treaty of Luneville, it had been provided that "the contracting parties shall mutually guarantee the independence of the Batavian, Helvetian, Cis-Alpine and Ligurian republics, and the right of the people who inhabit them to adopt whatever form of government they may think fit." The allies, by this clause, of course understood independence in its true sense; that is, a liberation of these republics from the influence of France: but it soon appeared that Napoleon attached a very different meaning to the word, and that he intended to establish constitutions in them all which should subject them absolutely to his power.

He made his first demonstration on Holland, where, on the 17th of September, the French ambassador sent a Constitution, completely drawn up, to the Directory, with an intimation that they had nothing to do but to affix to it the seal of their approbation; and, on the same day, it was published to the nation, the Directory taking for granted that it would be approved. The Dutch Legislature, however, were not prepared for this degradation; and the last act of their political existence was as honorable as, in the end, it proved unavailing: they decreed the suppression of the illegal acts of the Directory, and on the 18th their hall was cleared and their doors closed by French bayonets. A new Constitution was then published by the pliant Directory, alike without the knowledge or concurrence of the people, although it assimilated to their wishes more nearly than the democratic institutions which preceded it. The Directory went through the form of submitting this instrument to the people; and of four hundred and sixteen thousand four hundred and nineteen citizens, having a right

The

to vote, fifty-two thousand two hundred and nineteen rejected it. fact that a great majority of the whole declined to vote at all, was assumed to be favorable to the change, and the new government was therefore solemnly proclaimed. The conduct of the Dutch on this occasion, affords a striking proof of the impossibility of eradicating, by external violence, the institutions which have grown with the growth and strengthened with the strength of a free people. In vain did the armies of France subdue them, and force upon them democratic forms of government with the loud applause of the indigent rabble in power. The great mass of the inhabitants and nearly all the proprietors withdrew from public situations, and took no share in the changes imposed on their country. In the seclusion of private life, they retained the habits, the affections and the religious observances of their forefathers; and their children were nur tured in these patriotic feelings, untainted by the revolutionary passions which agitated the surrounding states.

This was followed by a similar revolution in the Cis-Alpine Republic, and a change of its name to the Italian Republic; after which, Piedmont was formally annexed to France. These acquisitions, formidable in themselves, became doubly so by the means which Napoleon adopted to render them permanent conquests. He employed a corps of engineers and an immense number of workmen to construct the celebrated roads over Mont Cenis, Mont Genevre and the Simplon; and the Alps soon ceased to present any obstacle to an invading army. The government of Switzerland, too, again underwent a radical change, and a Constitution more conformable to Napoleon's modified views of republicanism was forced on the inhabitants of that devoted country.

Her exports

While the continent of Europe was agitated by these events, England enjoyed the blessings and the tranquillity of peace. During the brief interval of national repose that was vouchsafed to her, the opening of the European ports brought into her harbors an unlimited commerce, and rendered her seaports the emporium of the civilized world. and imports rapidly increased; the cessation of the income-tax conferred comparative affluence on the middling classes; agriculture, sustained by continued high prices, shared in the general prosperity; the sinking fund, relieved in some degree from the counteracting influence of annual loans, attracted universal attention; while the revenue, under the influence of so many favorable circumstances, steadily augmented, and the national exigencies were easily provided for, without any addition to the burdens of the people. So wide-spread was the enthusiasm, occasioned by this bright gleam of prosperity, even sagacious, practical men, were carried away by the delusion; and the only apprehension expressed by the moneyed classes was, that the sinking fund would extinguish the national debt too rapidly, and capital, left without the means of secure investment, would be exposed to the risk and uncertainty of foreign

adventure.

But these flattering prospects were of short duration. Independent of the increasing jealousy with which the British government beheld the continental encroachments of Napoleon, and which rapidly communicated itself to all classes of the English people, several causes of irritation grew up between the rival governments, which first weakened, and finally destroyed, the good understanding between them.

The first of these subjects of irritation, was the asperity with which the government and acts of the First Consul were canvassed in the English

newspapers. To Napoleon, who was accustomed only to the voice of adulation, and read nothing in the enslaved journals of his own country but graceful flattery, these diatribes were in the highest degree painful; and not the less so, because the charges they contained in regard to his ambitious policy and foreign aggressions, were too true to be refuted. He, therefore, caused his minister at London to remonstrate against these attacks, and concluded by formally soliciting, "First, that the English government should prohibit the unbecoming and seditious publications with which the newspapers in England are filled; secondly, that the individuals specified in the annexed list, be sent out of Jersey; thirdly, that Georges and his adherents be transported to Canada; fourthly, that it be recommended to the princes of the House of Bourbon, resident in Great Britain, to repair to Warsaw; and, fifthly, that such emigrants as still think proper to wear the orders and decorations of the ancient government of France, be required to quit the territories of the British Empire."

The English government replied to this extraordinary requisition in dignified, but courteous language, referring in detail to each specification, and concluding thus: "His majesty is sincerely disposed to adopt every measure for the preservation of peace, which is consistent with the honor and independence of the country, and the security of its laws and Constitution. But the French government must have formed a most erroneous judgment of the disposition of the British nation, and the character of its government, if they have been taught to expect that any representation of a foreign power, will ever induce them to consent to a violation of those rights on which the liberties of the people of this country are founded."

No further diplomatic correspondence took place on this subject; but the war of the journals continued with redoubled vehemence, and several replies of a hostile character appeared in the Moniteur, bearing evident marks of Napoleon's composition. The French incessantly urged the execution of "the treaty of Amiens, the whole treaty of Amiens, and nothing but the treaty of Amiens:" they loudly complained that the British government had not evacuated Alexandria, Malta, and the Cape of Good Hope, as stipulated in that instrument; and declared that the French people would ever remain in the attitude of Minerva, with a helmet on her head, and a spear in her hand. The English replied, that the strides made by France over Continental Europe since the general pacification, and her menacing conduct toward the British possessions, were inconsistent with any intention of preserving peace, and rendered it indispensable that the securities held by them for their own independence, should not be relinquished. This recriminating warfare was continued with equal zeal on both sides of the Channel; loud and fierce defiances were exchanged, and it soon became manifest, not less from the temper of the people than the relations of their governments, that the contest must be decided by the sword.

This view of the case was farther confirmed by an extraordinary scene between Napoleon and Lord Whitworth, the English ambassador at Paris, on the 21st of February, 1803; in which Napoleon, with great vehemence, insisted on the evacuation of Egypt and Malta, complained of the abuse of the English newspapers, and threatened to renew hostilities immediately, unless his grounds of complaint were removed.

The British government, plainly foreseeing the result, resolved to

anticipate it, and made speedy preparations for an outbreak. Parlia. ment sustained the measures of the ministry by a unanimous vote; the militia was called out; ten thousand additional men were ordered for the navy; Lord Nelson was put in command of the Mediterranean fleet; Sir Sidney Smith received orders to put to sea with a squadron of observation; and England resumed her arms with a degree of enthusiasm exceeding that with which she had laid them aside.

These movements led to a second and still more violent ebullition on the part of the First Consul. In a public court at the Tuileries, held a few days after, he addressed Lord Whitworth in the following terms: "So, you are determined to go to war! We have already fought for fif teen years; I suppose you wish to fight for fifteen years more. The English wish for war; but if they are the first to draw the sword, I will be the last to return it to the scabbard. They have no respect for treaties. Henceforth, treaties must be shrouded in black crape. Wherefore these armaments? Against whom are these measures of precaution? I have not a single ship of the line in the harbors of France: but if you arın, I shall arm also. If you insist on fighting, I, too, shall fight. You may destroy France, but you can never intimidate her. If you would live on terms of good understanding with us, you must respect treaties. Wo to those who violate them! they must answer for the consequences to all Europe." This violent harangue, rendered still more emphatic by the impassioned gestures with which it was accompanied, induced the English ambassador to suppose that the First Consul would so far forget his dignity as to strike him; and he was deliberating with himself as to what he would do, in the event of such an insult's being offered to the nation he represented, when Napoleon retired, and delivered the assem bled and astonished ambassadors of Europe from the pain they experi enced at witnessing so remarkable a scene.

The British government contented itself with replying to these intemperate sallies on the part of the First Consul, by recapitulating the mutual obligations of the treaty, and avowing a readiness to execute every article to the letter, the moment they were satisfied of similar intentions on the part of France. The negotiations were protracted for two months longer; but, on the 12th of May, Lord Whitworth, finding all hope of arrangement at an end, demanded and received his passports: on the 16th, letters of marque were issued by the British government; and the war recommenced with increased animosity.

The declaration of war was followed by an act on the part of the First Consul, as unnecessary as it was barbarous; and which contributed more, perhaps, than any other circumstance, to produce that strong feeling of personal hatred toward Napoleon which pervaded all classes of the English people during the remainder of the contest. Two French vessels had been captured, under the English letters of marque, in the Bay of Audierne; and the First Consul made this a pretext for ordering the arrest of all the British subjects, then travelling in France, between the ages of eighteen and sixty years. Under this savage decree, more than ten thousand innocent persons, who had repaired to France in pursuit of business, science or amusement, were at once thrown into prison; whence great numbers of them were not liberated until the invasion of the allies, in 1814. This severity was the more unpardonable, as the minister of Foreign Affairs had, a few days before, given the English

residents at Paris assurances, that they should be permitted to leave the kingdom without molestation; and many had, in consequence, declined to avail themselves of the means of escape when they were in their power.

CHAPTER XXI.

FRANCE, FROM THE PEACE OF AMIENS TO NAPOLEON'S ASSUMPTION OF THE

IMPERIAL CROWN.

BEFORE proceeding to the history of the war, thus unhappily renewed, it is necessary to take a retrospective view of the internal affairs of France.

When Napoleon seized the reins of power in that country, he found the institutions of civilization, and the bonds of society, dissolved to an extent of which the history of the world affords no previous example. Not only had the throne been overturned, the nobles exiled, the landed estates confiscated, and the aristocracy destroyed; but the institutions of religion, law, commerce and education, were totally annihilated. Even the establishments of charity had shared in the general wreck; the monastery no longer dispensed its munificence to the poor, and the doors of the hospitals were closed against the indigent sick and wounded. To restore that which the insanity of preceding years had overthrown, was the task that awaited the First Consul, and the success of his efforts is a far prouder monument to his memory than all the victories he achieved. He began at the outset, cautiously but firmly, to coerce the democratic spirit of the people, and to reconstruct those classes and distinctions in society, which he well knew were the indispensable bulwarks of a throne.

Those who reproach Napoleon for establishing a despotic government, would do well to show how he could have formed a counterpoise to democratic ambition, or a check on regal oppression, out of the representatives of a community whence the superior classes of society had been violently torn: how the turbulent passions of a republican populace could have been moulded into habitual subjection to a legislature, distinguished in no manner from themselves; and to a body of titled senators destitute of wealth, consideration and hereditary rank: how a constitutional throne could have existed without any support from the altar, or any foundation in the religious feelings of its subjects: and how a proud and victorious army could have been taught that respect for the majesty of the Law, which is the invaluable growth of centuries of order, but which the successive overthrow of so many previous governments in France had effectually destroyed. After its patricians had been cut off by the civil wars of Sylla and Marius, Rome necessarily sunk under the despotic rule of the emperors. When Constantine founded a second Rome on the shores of the Bosphorus, he saw that it was too late to restore the balanced Con stitution of the ancient Republic. On Napoleon's accession to the consular throne, he found the vacancies in the French aristocracy still greater; and the only remaining means of righting the scale, was to cast into it the weight of the sword.