guarding life and property, and, let ...I think is equally in danger in Ireland,

and pointing out that if such measures a time an enormous number of terrible ave been averted; that men would now have have been murdered; that houses would now stence which have been burned; that cases of Dan and beast would never have happened-for as your lordships are aware, have mainly occurred he past two months. But, my lords, there are occasions ea party considerations must be given up. There are as when it may not be wise, even for your lordships, to e yourselves, as it were, at the head of public opinion in gant remonstrance at the action of the ministry. The e dangers and disasters which have been impending or

happened in this country during the past nine months are arisen from the abuse of party feeling; and for that reason Lone, if there were no other, I would recommend your lordships to pause before taking any step which would weaken the movements of the administration at this moment. I conclude that the Government have come to their determination in a bonâ ide spirit. I expect that their Bills, when introduced, will be found adequate to the occasion, for I am convinced that only ridicule will result if they are not conceived in a comprehensive spirit. I conclude also that it is their intention to proceed with these Bills de die in diem, in order that some hope, some courage may be given to our loyal and long-suffering subjects in Ireland. When those Bills have been passed, we shall be ready to consider any other measures which Her Majesty's Government may bring before Parliament. But I think it utter mockery to discuss any questions connected with Ireland now, except the restoration of peace and order, the re-establishment of the sovereignty of the Queen, and a policy that will announce to Europe that the spirit of England has not ceased, and that, great as are the dangers that now environ ministers, the Parliament of England will be equal to the occasion.

ROYAL TITLES BILL.' March 9, 1876.

[On February 17, 1876, Mr. Disraeli introduced a Bill for enabling Her Majesty to adopt a new title for the sovereignty of India. When it became known that the title selected was that of Empress, a violent ferment was raised by the Opposition, who denounced the attempt to introduce a bastard imperialism' into the English monarchy, and under cover of a new form to insinuate the thin end of the wedge of military despotism. At this distance of time one wonders at the violence displayed. It subsequently appeared that the title of Empress was first applied to Her Majesty by the Duke of Argyle when Secretary of State for India.]

IN

N moving the second reading of this Bill I take the opportunity of noticing a question which was addressed to me a few days ago by the honourable member for Banbury.2 I thought at the time that the question was unfair and improper. The question was whether I was then prepared to inform the House of the title which Her Majesty would be advised to adopt with respect to the matter contained in the Bill before us, and my answer was, that I was not then prepared to give the information to the House. It appeared to me that that appeal, as I ventured to remark, was unfair and improper, because, in the first place, on a controversial matter, it required me to make a statement respecting which I could offer no argument, as the wise rules of this House, as regards questions and answers, are established. I should, therefore, have had to place before the House, on a matter respecting which there is controversy, the decision of the Government, at the same time being incapacitated from offering any argument in favour of it.

This speech is reprinted from Hansard's Debates by permission of Mr. Hansard.

2 Mr. B. Samuelson.

I thought the question was improper, also, in the second place, because it was a dealing with the royal prerogative that, to say the least, was wanting, as I thought, in respect. Both sides of the House agree that we are ruled by a strictly constitutional Sovereign. But the constitution has invested Her Majesty with prerogatives of which she is wisely jealous, which she exercises always with firmness, but ever, when the feelings and claims of Parliament are concerned, with the utmost consideration. It is the more requisite, therefore, that we should treat these prerogatives with the greatest respect, not to say reverence. In the present case if Her Majesty had desired to impart to the House of Commons information which the House required, the proper time would certainly be when the Bill in question was under the consideration of the House. It would be more respectful to the House, as well as to the Queen, that such a communication should be made when the House was assembled to discuss the question before them; and such information ought not to be imparted, I think, in answer to the casual inquiry of an individual member.

From the beginning there has been no mystery at any time upon this matter. So far as the Government are concerned they have acted strictly according to precedent, and it has not been in my power until the present evening to impart any information to the House upon the subject on which they intimated a wish to be informed. But, upon the first night, when I introduced this Bill, I did say, alluding to the prerogative of the Queen, and Her Majesty's manner of exercising that prerogative, that I did not anticipate difficulties upon the subject. To this point, in the course of the few observations I have to make, I shall recur; but, before doing so, I shall make some remarks upon the objections which have been made to a title which it has been gratuitously assumed that Her Majesty, with respect to her dominions in India, wishes to adopt. It is a remarkable circumstance that all those who have made objections on this subject, have raised their objections to one particular title alone. One alone has occurred to them-which primâ facie is rather an argument in favour of its being an apposite title. No doubt other objections have been urged in the debate, and