library, and the calm wisdom of centuries and sages moderates the rash impulse of juvenescence. He finds new truths in the lecture-room and he goes home with a conviction that he is not so learned as he imagined. In the discussion of a great question with his equals in station perhaps he finds that he has met his superiors in intellect. These are the means by which the mind of man is brought to a healthy state, by which that self-knowledge that has always been lauded by sages may be most securely attained; it is a rule of universal virtue, and from the senate to the counting-house will be found of universal application. Then to the youth of Manchester, representing now the civic youth of this great country and this great district, I now appeal. Let it never be said again that the fortunes of these institutions were in danger. Let them take advantage of this hour of prosperity calmly to examine, and deeply to comprehend, the character of that institution in which these vast interests are involved, and which for them may afford a relaxation which brings no pang, and yields information which may bear them to fortune. It is to them I appeal with confidence, because I feel I am pleading their cause with confidence, because in them I repose my hopes. When nations fall it is because a degenerate race intervenes between the class that is created and the class that is doomed. Let them then remember what has been done for them; the leaders of their community have not been remiss in regard to their interests. Let them remember that when the inheritance devolves upon them, they are not only to enjoy but to improve. They will one day succeed to the high places of this great community let them recollect those who lighted the way for them; and when they have wealth, when they have authority, when they have power, let it not be said that they were deficient in public virtue and public spirit. When the torch is delivered to them let them also light the path of human progress to educated man. : ROYAL LITERARY FUND, May 8, 1872. [The King of the Belgians honoured the Literary Fund dinner on this occasion by taking the chair, and his health was proposed by Mr. Disraeli, the only speaker of the evening, so at least report says, who addressed His Majesty as 'Sire.'] MR. R. DISRAELI, who on rising was received with loud cheers, said, Sire, forty years ago a portion of Europe, and one not the least fair, seemed doomed by an inexorable fate to permanent dependence and periodical devastation. And yet the conditions of that country were favourable to civilisation and human happiness: a fertile soil skilfully cultivated, a land covered with beautiful cities and occupied by a race prone alike to liberty and religion, and always excelling in the fine arts. In the midst of a European convulsion, a great statesman resolved to terminate that deplorable destiny, and conceived the idea of establishing the independence of Belgium on the principle of political neutrality. That idea was welcomed at first with sceptical contempt. But we who live in the after generation can bear witness to the triumphant success of that principle, and can now take the opportunity of congratulating that noble policy which consecrated to perpetual peace the battle-field of Europe. Such a fortunate result was, no doubt, owing in a great degree to the qualities of the race which inhabited the land. They have shown on more than one occasion, under severe trials, that they have possessed those two qualities which can alone enable a nation to maintain the principle of neutralityalike energy and discretion. But we must not forget that it was their fortunate lot that the first monarch who ascended their throne was the most eminent statesman of the nineteenth century. With consummate prudence, with unerring judg ment, with vast and varied experience, he combined those qualities which at the same time win and retain the heart of communities. We can especially at this moment remember with pride that he was virtually an English Prince-not merely because he was doubly allied to our Royal race, but because he had been educated-and with his observant mind such an opportunity was invaluable—he had been educated for years in this country in the practice of constitutional freedom. And when he ascended the throne he proved at once that he was determined to be, not the chief of a party, but the monarch of a nation. The times When he left us, Europe was disheartened. were troublous and menacing, and all felt how much depended upon the character of his successor. In the presence of that successor it does not become me-it would be in every sense presumptuous to offer a panegyric. But I may be permitted to speak of a public career in the language of critical appreciation; and I think that all will agree that the King of the Belgians, from the first moment at which he entered into public life, proved that he was sensible of the spirit of the age in which he lived, that he felt that authority to be revered must be enlightened, and that the seat of no sovereign was so secure as that of him who had confidence in his subjects. The King of the Belgians, our sovereign chairman, derived from his royal father another heritage besides the fair province of Flanders; he inherited an affection for the people of England. He has proved that in many instances and on many occasions, but never, in my mind, with more happy boldness than when he crossed the Channel, and determined to accept our invitation and become the chairman of the Royal Literary Fund. With what felicity he has fulfilled his duties this evening you are all witnesses. I have been connected with your society for many years, as those who preceded me with my name also were long before; and I think I can venture to say that in your annals none of those who have sat in that chair have performed its duties in a manner more admirable. It is something delightful, though at first sight inconsistent, that the Republic of Letters should, as it were, be presided over to-day by a monarch; but if there be a charming inconsistency in such a circumstance, let us meet it with one as amiably flagrant and give to our sovereign chairman to-night a right royal welcome. It is with these feelings, gentlemen, that I now propose to you,— "The Health of His Majesty the King.' 633 SPEECH DELIVERED BY B. D'ISRAELI, ESQ., M.P., May ENTLEMEN,—Before I venture to propose the toast which G'I am about to do, I shall make a few observations on hich various and varying circumstances that have achieved the result which has just been communicated to you by the Honorary Secretary, in his able and satisfactory Report. It is impossible to make a triter remark than to say that England has always been justly celebrated for its public charities, but, like all very trite remarks, it is also very just. I apprehend that it is a consequence of that happy habit of self-government that in this country has been enjoyed for a longer time, and generally speaking to a greater degree, than in any other country. That habit has imposed on us duties, the fulfilment of which, under other circumstances, might have devolved upon other powers; but in England they have necessarily fallen upon popular combination and voluntary subscription. I took the occasion just now casually, with reference to another toast, to refer to two great public charities which have been founded in this country by the State. The State, therefore, has not altogether been neglectful of those great purposes that appeal to the sympathies of universal man. Greenwich and Chelsea are monuments which need never fear competition with the institutions of any country in the world. But generally speaking, the hospitals, the infirmaries, the asylums that abound in this metropolis, and in every part of this Island, are the results of this popular combination to which I have alluded. |