HIP but i as bee is ow of Am 9-THE REVOLUTION IN FINLAND: ITS CAUSES AND RESULTS. ing of Finland and the Finns. By Arthur Reade. Methuen, ons 1914 publiDet röda upproret i Finland. By Henning Söderhjelm. s bet Stockholm: Albert Bonnier, 1918. fact Republik eller konungadöme. By Johannes Hedengren. fr Wi Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918. By Eirik Hornborg. to Brytningstid. Helsingfors : tto Vita gardet mot röda gardet. By Erich Schüler. dem Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918. t, ey be Anteckningar under krigstiden. By Emil Schybergson. jus Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918. pres Andra landtdagen 1917 och Finlands själfständighet. By R. A. Wrede. Helsingfors: Söderström, 1918. si Sigurds Minnen och intryck från medborgarkriget, 1918 By Ivar Hortling. Helsingfors: A. B. HelsingRafors Bokhandel, 1918. Finland i den svenska pressen. Helsingfors: Holger Schildt, 1918. Hvita och röda. By Ernst Klein. Stockholm: Svenska Andelsförlaget, 1918. And articles in Svensk Tidskrift, Finsk Tidskrift, etc. o understand the events of 1917-18 in Finland, some owledge of political and social conditions in that untry is required. This is all the more necessary by son of the extremely intricate politics of Finland, mplicated as they are by the fact that two languages, wedish and Finnish, are spoken side by side, while the vereign power of Russia is a third factor to be taken to account. We propose, therefore, first of all to touch the main features of Finnish political life. Before the war the government of Finland was divided tween the Tsar (who was Grand Duke of Finland), the ate and the Diet. The position of Finland within e Russian Empire was unique, since its Constitution ent back to the old Swedish form of government, deed in 1772 and 1789 and guaranteed by Alexander I in 09, when Finland was ceded to Russia. The legislative power was in the hands of the Grand Duke and Diet, though the former was also entitled to issue cer administrative decrees on his own initiative. A spo Secretary of State maintained contact between the G Duke and the Finnish bodies, while the Governor Gen presided over the civil administration. The Senate divided into two departments-Justice and Econ The first was a Supreme Court of Appeal but also d with certain questions of administration. Howe i most of the administration was carried on by the Dep ment of Economy, which consisted of eight minis with a senator at the head of each. The senators nominated by the Grand Duke for a period of t years. It is obvious that this placed great power in hands of the Grand Duke, especially as the Senate not responsible to the Diet. After 1906 this latter was a single chamber elected by universal suffrage proportional representation, its two hundred mem being chosen every three years. The chief political parties are the Swedish p the Old Finns, the Young Finns, the Agrarians the Socialists. The first of these, which has behind i ancient heritage of Swedish culture, seeks to defend interests of the Swedish-speaking Finns and to war attempts at linguistic oppression by the Finnish-spea majority. The Old Finn party expresses its ideal ir words 'one nation, one language,' and looks to Gern for its inspiration, particularly to Bismarck's wo unification. It has many followers among the peɛ proprietors, above all in the south and west, and amongst the clergy. The Young Finns broke away! the Old Finns early in the 'nineties. Their views more radical and their political tendencies of French English rather than of German origin. The rank this party contain many scientists, artists and me letters. They have always been on good terms with Swedish party, their programme being 'one spirit two languages.' The two parties united to resist Rus encroachments on the Constitution, while the Old F were more compliant. The Agrarians, who uphold th terests of the small land-owners, are also constitution minded. All these parties represent bourgeois opi and combine against the Socialists. The last-na arty is of very recent growth. Although various workmen's organisations existed in the 'eighties, it was not ntil 1899 that the new party came into being. It spread ery rapidly, and within a few years was one of the ost powerful factors in Finnish politics. The countryide, not the town, was the source of its strength, for The position of the numerous torpare (peasants holding and as tenants or crofters) was so insecure that a real ㄧˊ rievance existed. For years the upper and middle Masses had been absorbed in linguistic warfare, and had some extent overlooked the necessity of reforms romoting the material welfare of the people. We shall now be able to appreciate the reasons which nduced a certain section of Finns to join hands with he Russian Bolsheviks and to split Finland into two ostile factions. The violence and bitterness of speech ith which the quarrel about the use of Swedish and innish had been carried on paved the way for class varfare. From linguistic hate to class hate was but short distance. This animosity has throughout been haracteristic of the Finnish Labour movement, and, as me passed, it became even more pronounced. Writing 1914, Mr Reade said almost prophetically: 'It seems an outsider that class hatred has been preached to an tent that may endanger Finland's unity of action and lind people to an objective view of things.' The gulf between the two sections of society was ltimately made still wider by the relations of Finland Russia. Not long after the foundation of the Finnish abour party, an attempt was made by the Russian overnor Bobrikoff to bring Finland to heel. Various ethods were tried, one being to cleave the nation into number of warring factions. It was doubtless with is end in view that Bobrikoff provided free meals in assian barracks for Finnish workmen and at the same me offered them land without any payment. At first workers seem to have hesitated, and it was even sible in 1899 to read an article in 'Työmies' ('The orking-Man') which declared that Russia's measures are merely directed against Finnish capitalists, and erefore the workers should stand aside. Before long, wever, the Social Democrats resolutely opposed the régime, as was clearly seen on the occasion of the great strike in 1903, when Russia sought to conscio Finns for the imperial army. A new development was marked by the nati strike of 1905. The disturbances in Russia had le the establishment of the Duma; and the Finns, operating with the Russian revolutionaries, organ a strike throughout the whole of Finland. This was work of Radical bourgeois and of Socialist workingwho formed White and Red Guards to defend t liberties. For a time the two parties acted wit friction, but in the end they quarrelled. In Noven 1905, the Tsar restored the Constitution; and bourgeois elements now considered that their object attained, and that the strike should therefore com an end. The workmen, on the other hand, wishe continue the strike and demanded certain social ref such as the introduction of the eight hours' day. the strike, which was originally directed against Ru oppression, developed into a class struggle. Feeling very high, and in August, 1906, culminated in rio Helsingfors, as the result of which a number of per were killed. In consequence of the strike of 1905, frie relations were set up between the Finnish Socialists the Russian revolutionaries; while class hatred in Fin itself was more pronounced than ever, and, in vie the stubborn character of the Finn, did not seem l to yield speedily to more friendly feelings. Even before these events the attitude of the Fir bourgeois had been frequently misrepresented. Du the period of Russification a number of the middle upper classes did, it is true, lend a hand to the oppre but the great majority opposed him as strenuously a the Finnish workers themselves. The names of t who were carried off to Russian prisons are a suffic and an eloquent testimony. In spite of this, the Soci papers did not scruple to depict the bourgeoisie whole as the supporters of Russian despotism. campaign was carried on, in particular, by Työn the leading Socialist newspaper. In 1906 unive suffrage had been introduced; and, as the result of growing power of the Labour party, social legisla was brought in and carried by the Finnish Diet. In meantime, however, the reactionary movement in Ru 1 had set in, and one of the shapes it took was interference with Finnish affairs. Several important Labour Laws were vetoed by the Tsar; and the hopes of the Finnish workers were disappointed. The effect on the situation in Finland was unfavourable, for the idea was sedulously cultivated by 'Työmies'-whose methods have since been severely criticised by M. Branting, the leader of the Swedish Socialists-that the bills had been rejected at the instance of the Finnish bourgeoisie. Thus the poison of class prejudice continued to eat its way into the body politic of Finland, with disastrous consequences. On this condition of things the war supervened. From afar the Finns saw the horrors into which the world had been plunged; and the Socialists were not slow to attribute this bankruptcy of civilisation to the malignancy of capitalism and the bourgeoisie. They saw the masses of Russia perish in millions from war, disease and hunger, while profiteers throve. In Finland itself there was a great rise in prices, combined with a dearth of many articles. All this added fuel to the flame; and the influence of syndicalistic views introduced from Norway and Sweden swelled the existing volume of unrest. At the outbreak of the Russian Revolution in the spring of 1917, it might have been expected that the storm, which had long been gathering on the horizon, would burst at once. But it did not. The Socialists, who had obtained a majority at the elections of 1916, joined with the bourgeois to secure the constitutional rights of Finland. This united front was not, however, maintained for long; and ultimately the Socialists withdrew from the Senate. In view of the aggravated state of public opinion the events which followed were probably inevitable. Yet there can be little doubt that the conduct of certain bourgeois newspapers helped to precipitate the trouble which had for years been hanging over the Finnish nation. In spite of the steps taken by M. Kerensky and his colleagues of the Provisional Government to meet the demands of Finland, there were certain people who, remembering past occasions on which Russian pledges had been broken, began to look elsewhere. The recollection of the Finns who had offered their services to |