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riches, the possession of which only increases your avarice. You increase your hunger, by what should produce satiety ; so that the more you have, the more you desire. But have you forgotten how long the conquest of the Bactrians de. tained you? While you were fubduing them, the Sogdians revolted. Your victories serve to no other purpose than to find you employment, by producing new wars; for the bufiness of every conquest is twofold, to win, and to preserve. Though you may be the greatest of warriors, you must expect that the nations you conquer will endeavour to shake off the yoke as fast as poflible : for what people choose to be under foreign dominion ?
If you will cross the Tanais, you may travel over Scythia, and observe how extensive a territory we inhabit : but to conquer us is quite another business. You will find us at one time, too nimble for your pursuit ; and at another, when you think we are fled far enough from you, you will have us surprise you in your camp : for the Scythians attack with no less vigour than they fly. It will therefore be your wisdom to keep with strict attention what you have gained : catching at more, you may lose what you liave. We have a proverbial saying in Scythia, that Fortune has no feet,and is furnished only with hands to distribute her caprice ious favours, and with finsto elude the grasp of those to whom she has been bountiful.-You profess yourself to be a god, the son of Jupiter Ammon ; it suits the character of a god to beltow favours on mortals, not to deprive them of what they have. But if you are no god, reflect on the precarious condition of humanity. You will thus show more wisdom, than by dwelling on those subjects which have puffed up your pride, and made you forget yourself.
You see how little you are likely to gain by attempting the conquest of Scythia. On the other hand, you may, if you please have in us a valuable alliance. We command the borders both of Europe and Alia. There is nothing between us and Bactria but the river Canais ; and our territory extends to Thrace, which, as we have heard, borders on Macedon If
you decline attacking us in a hostile manner, you may have our friendship Nations which have
been at war are on an equal footing ; but it is in vain that confidence is repofed in a conquered people. There can be no fincere friendship between the oppreffors and the oppressed; even in peace, the latter think themfelves entitled to the rights of war against the former. We
'will, if you think good, enter into a treaty with you, according to our manner, which is not by signing, sealing, and taking the gods to witness, as is the Grecian custom but by doing actual services. The Scythians are not used to promise, but . perform without promising. And they think an appeal to the gods superfluous ; for that thofe who have no regard for the esteem of men will not hesitate to offend the gods by perjury. You may therefore consider with yourself, whether you would choose to have for allies or for enemies, a people of such a character, and so fituated as to have it in their power either to serve you, or to an. noy you, according as you treat them.
Q. CURTIL'S. SECTION III. Speech of the Earl of Chatham, on the subjext of employing Indians
to fight against the Americans. I CANNOT, my lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This, my lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment : it is not a time for adulation ; the fmoothness of flattery cannot save us in this rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth. We mult, if poflible, difpel the de. Julion and darkness which envelop it; and display, in its full danger and genuine colours, the ruin which is brought to our doors. Can ministers till presume to expect support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to its dignity and duty, as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon them? measures, my lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire to scorn and contempt! But yesterday, and England might have food against the world; now, none so poor as to do her reverence! The people, whom we at first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge as enemies, are abetted against us, fupplied with every military store, their interest consulted, and their anibaffadors entertained by our inveterate enemy; and minifters do not, and dare not, interpose with dignity or effect. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honours the English troops than I do; I know their virtues and their valour ; I know they can achieve any thing but impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an impoflibility. You cannot, my lords, you cannot conquer Ameri.
What is your present situation there? We do not
know the worst : but we know that in three campaigns we have done nothing, and suffered much. You may swell every expense, accumulate every asliftance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every German despot ; your attempts will be forever vain and impotent ;-doubly so, indeed, from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of your adversaries,to overrun them with the mercenary fons of rapine and plunder, devoting them and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty.
But, my lords, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorise and associate to our arms, the tomohawk ard scalping knife of the favage ?-to call into civilized alliance, the wild and inhuman inhabitants of the woods ?-to delegate to the mercilefs Indian, the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethten? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. But, my lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necelity, but also on those of morality; "for it is perfectly allowable,” says lord Suffolk, “ to use all the means which God and nature have put into our hands." I am astonish. ed, I am shocked, to hear such principles confessed ; to hear them avowed in this house, or in this country. My lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attention ; but I cannot repress my indignation-I feel myself impelled to speak. * My lords, we are called upon as members of this
as men, as christians, to protest against such horri. ble barbarity !-" That God and nature have put into our hands !” What ideas of God and nature, that noble lord may entertain, I know noi; but I know that such detesta. ble principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and na. ture to the massacres of the Indian fcalping knife ! to the favage, torturing and murdering his unhappy victims! Such notions shock every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation. I call upon that right reverend, and this most learned Bench, to vindicate the religion of their God, to support the justice of their country. I call upon the bilhops to interpose the unsullied fanctity of their lawn-upon the judges to interpose the purity of their
ermine, to fave us from this pollution. I call upon the honour of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character. I invoke the genius of the constitution. Fron the tapestry that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns with indignation at the disgrace on his country. In vain did he defend the liberty, and estab lish the religion of Britain, against the tyranny of Rome, i these worse than Popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are endured among us. To fend forth the merciless Indian, thirsting for blood! against whom ?-your proteltant breth ren!-to lay waste their country, to defolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and inftrumentality of these ungovernable favages !--Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico ; we, more ruthless, loose those brutal warriors against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that can fan&tify humanity. I folemnly call upon your lordships, and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible itigina of the public abhorrence. More parcicularly, I call upon the venerabie prelates of our religion, to do away this iniquity; let them perform a lustration to purify the country
from this deep and deadly fin.
My lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to fay more ; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have allowed me to say less. I could not have flept this night in my bed, nor even reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving vent to my steadfast abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles.
The voyage of Life ; an allegory. “LIFE,” says Seneca, “is a voyage, in the progrefs of which, we are perpetually changing our scenes. We first leave childhood behind us, then youth, then the ripened manhood, then the better or more pleasing part old age.” The perusal of this passage having excited in
me a train of reflections on the state of man, the inceffant Auctuation of his withes, the gradual change of his difpofition to all external objects, and the thoughtlessness with which he floats along the stream of time, 1 sunk into a flumber amidst my meditations, and, on a sudden, found my ears filled with the tumult of labour, the shouts of alacrity, the shrieks of alarm, the whistle of winds, and the dalh of waters. My astonishment for a time repressed my curiosity; but foon recovering myself fo far as to inquire whither we were going, and what was the cause of such clamour and confufion, I was told that we were launching out into the ocean of life ; that we had already passed the ftraits of Infancy, in which multitudes had perished, fome by the weakness and fragility of their vessels, and more.by the folly, perverseness, or negligence, of those who undertook to steer them; and that we were now on the main fea, abandoned to the winds and billows, without any other means of security than the care of the pilot, whom ways in our power to choose, among great numbers that offered their direction and allistance.
I then looked round with anxious eagerness ; and, first turning my eyes behind me, saw a stream flowing through flowery islands, which every one that failed along Teemed to behold with pleasure ; but no sooner touched them, than the current, which, though not noisy or turbulent, was yet irresistible, bore him away. Beyond these islands, all was darkness; nor could any of the paffengers describe the Thore at which he first embarked.
Before me, and on each side was an expanse of waters violently agitated, and covered with. fo thick a milt, that the most perfpicacious eyes could see but a little way. It appeared to be full of rocks and whirlpools ; for many funk unexpectedly, while, they were courting the gale with full fails, and infulting those whom they had left behind. So numerous, indeed, were the dangers, and so thick the dark. ness, that no caution could confer security. Yet there were many, who, by false intelligence, betrayed their followers into whirlpools, or by violence pushed those whom they found in their way, against the rocks.
The current was invariable and insurmountable though it was impoffible to fail against it, or to return to the place that was once passed, yet it was not so violent as to allow no opportunities for dexterity or courage ; lince, though none could retreat back from danger, yet they might often avoid it by oblique direcțion.