Prussia eagerly gorged the hook, and gave as a reason for her perfidy the very constitution upon the inauguration of which she had been so loud in her congratulations!

Pretexts, indeed, were not wanting. Russia pretended a concern for some dissentient nobles, called the Confederates of Torgewitz, whom she afterwards denounced and disavowed. Prussia, in a manifesto of January, 1793, complained of the principles of French Jacobinism and the spread of revolutionary clubs. Mr. Fox treated with becoming scorn this scandalous pretext. "And how did he [the King of Prussia] cure them of these abominable principles? Oh! by an admirable remedy !—invading their country and taking possession of their towns! Are they tainted with Jacobinism? Hew down the gates of Thorn, and march in the Prussian troops! Do they deny that they entertain such principles? Seize upon Dantzic, and annex it to the dominions of Prussia !"*

By a treaty imposed by the combined Russian and Prussian arms, and signed on the 20th of August, 1793, Prussia obtained Thorn and Dantzic, and extended her frontier to the banks of the rivers Pilica and Skiernewka. Russia added to her dominions half of Lithuania, the palatinate of Podolia, Poloska, Minsk, a portion of Vilna, and the half of Volhinia, besides other territories. By a very needless piece of hypocrisy the contracting Powers guaranteed to Poland her remaining territory.

It was in union and close alliance with Powers such as these that Great Britain made war on France. The King made war, as the Royal Message to Parliament avowed, "for supporting his Allies; and for opposing views of aggrandizement and ambition on the part of France, which "Fox's Speeches," vol. v. p. 44.

would be at all times dangerous to the general interests of Europe, but are peculiarly so when connected with the propagation of principles which lead to the violation of the most sacred duties, and are utterly subversive of the peace and order of all civil society."*

It is difficult to see what principles would be more in violation of the most sacred duties, or which would lead more surely to the subversion of the peace and order of society than those which were acted upon by the authors of the partition of Poland.

There remained this further consideration-the Allies were united to dictate a government to France; George III. disavowed any such intention. How could Great Britain send subsidies to aid Prussia? How could she despatch troops to join her armies without sharing in the pursuit of her objects? And if sharing in her objects, then we should be at war to impose on France a government not of her choice but of ours. In this inextricable dilemma Mr. Pitt involved his country. He held sometimes one language and sometimes another; he sent money without inquiring how it was spent; he sent troops, which returned defeated; he burthened his country with an immense debt, and he aggravated all the evils he deplored.

There was another probability, although, in the estimate of sanguine politicians, it was hardly a possibility. The Emperor of Austria, or the King of Prussia, if not immediately successful in the partition of France and the suppression of democracy, might make peace with the sanguinary republic, and leave to England the cost and the danger of continued war. It was a contingency a wise Minister would have admitted into his calculations.

* " Parliamentary History," vol. xxx. p. 239.

In spite of all these grounds for a policy of peace, the Government, between the 19th and the 30th of November, seem to have resolved on a course which could not fail to bring on hostilities with France. On the 1st of December a proclamation was issued stating that the utmost industry was still employed by evil-disposed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert with persons in foreign parts, to subvert the laws and established Constitution, and to destroy all order and government; and that a spirit of tumult and disorder, so excited, having lately shown itself in acts of riot and insurrection, his Majesty thought it necessary to embody the Militia. Parliament was summoned to meet on the 13th.

At the same time, or soon afterwards, a determination was taken to augment the land and sea forces. The explanations offered by M. Chauvelin regarding the decree of the 19th of November, the opening of the Scheldt, and the neutrality of Holland, were at the end of the month refused as utterly unsatisfactory.

It was plain that war with France was the deliberate choice of the British Cabinet. The extreme parties in France rejoiced exceedingly at this determination. The trial of the King was urged on with haste, and the flag of democratic propagandism was hoisted with exultation. The die was cast.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

SESSION OF PARLIAMENT, DEC. 1792 TO JUNE, 1793.

THE Confidence of the enemies of France was not less than that of her defenders. Great Britain, the German Empire, Russia, Spain, Sardinia, were about to marshal their forces to restore the French monarchy. At home Mr. Pitt saw his opponents divided, and he could now reckon on the support of the Duke of Portland, Lord Spencer, Lord Fitzwilliam, Sir Gilbert Elliot, many of the old Whig, and nearly the entire of the North party. Mr. Burke was about to contribute his powerful eloquence in support of the Minister he had so often and so vehemently denounced. While Mr. Pitt thus saw his Government immensely strengthened, he was not bound to admit any man into his cabinet who, like Mr. Fox, would have had a power of his own, derived from splendid abilities and the palm of many a debate. The country gentlemen were "thoroughly frightened;" the nation, averse to French theories, and attached to its own Constitution, was quite ready to resent any insult to the majesty of the Throne or the institutions of the country.

Thus everything seemed to prosper with the happy Minister; nor could his followers be induced to doubt that a few months of war would bring the French to their

senses, and induce them to supplicate for peace. Their finances were disordered; their troops were recruits; their generals without experience; their Government in conflict with the Convention; their party contests ending invariably in the guillotine. How was it possible to suppose that such a country could withstand such a coalition?

Mr. Fox, though disheartened by the conduct of his friends, was not dismayed. He had made up his mind that peace might be preserved, and that it was his duty to lay before the country his own opinions. His friends might leave him-his party be broken up-his name become a mark for the finger of scorn-but at all hazards his duty must be done. Nobly did he perform it.

The Parliament met on the 13th of December. The King was advised to inform Parliament that not only a spirit of tumult and disorder had shown itself in acts of riot and insurrection, but that the industry employed to excite discontent had appeared to proceed from a design to attempt, in concert with persons in foreign countries, the destruction of our happy Constitution, and the subversion of all order and government.

As these persons in foreign countries were clearly the members of the National Convention of France, so likewise it was evident that war had now been resolved upon.

This resolution not being yet fully avowed, however, and Mr. Pitt having vacated his seat on his acceptance of the sinecure office of Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, Mr. Fox did not think it necessary to discuss at length the subject of the impending hostilities. But he did not disguise his sentiments, or refrain from expressing boldly his opinions both on the state of Great Britain and the invasion of France. With regard to the