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creditor; but then I must be obliged to expose his morals, the gentleman he named having since declared, before good witness, he gave him no orders, and was under a promise not to appear. If the truth of this be questioned, and it be doubted whether there are any such monsters in the world, the reader may at any time have the persons and particulars; for I scorn to conceal names in a charge so direct as this. If this has not in it all the villany of abstract malice, I know not where to search for it, and hope no real creditor of mine can be offended, either that I then told him so, or that I now publish it to the world; the first, to convince them how this man's design is to screen those whom the creditor ought to call to account for above 4001. of their money; and the last, to let the world know what monsters there are in it. If this paper should acquaint the world how these people have hitherto treated its author; how they have seized upon his writings, left only in trust; how conveyed away their relation, a partner, that he might not be an evidence, and compounded his private debts for him without which he would not go; how they have sued for bonds given and afterwards discharged in partnership, and sued in the name of the persons to whom they were paid, without their knowledge; how, after beginning a suit, they have not dared to go on, and after proposing a reference, have not dared to stand to it, though accepted, and offered to be determined by their own arbitrator: if I should run into all these particulars, the story would be too black to read.

"I ask pardon of the unconcerned part of the world, that this paper should take up any of their time in reading the melancholy story of my private oppressions; and I break it off here, because I propose to lay it wholly open to the world by itself; where the persons concerned may reflect upon the methods taken by them or their lawyer, for I question if they are privy to it at all, to ruin the family of a man that twice endeavoured to save theirs." De Foe resolves the opposition to him into mere spleen, and says, “As to the lawyer's declining afterwards to own he appeared for these people, and affirming he appeared for another, 'tis plain it was a forgery of his own, to prevent his being turned out of the room with the infamy he deserved. That gentleman has since owned, as by his affidavit will appear, that he gave him no orders, nor had any such design. If by such art and fury I fall, let no man wonder; for who can stand against envy? who can resist refined malice?

"This case gives a sad instance of the madness of the age; wherein nothing but the entire destruction of the debtor and his family can expiate the crime of his own disaster. Having been fourteen years in retreat, in jeopardy, in broils, and most of the time in banishment from his family, he had swallowed up all he had gained, though that has been very considerable, in the gradual payment of his creditors, and in defending himself against those who would have it, not only faster that their fellow-creditors, but faster than it could be got. They have since seen him stripped naked by the government, and the foundations torn up, on which he had built the prospect of paying his debts and raising his family. And yet, now, when by common reasoning they ought to believe the man has not bread for his children, they have redoubled their attacks with declarations, executions, escape-warrants, and Gods knows how many engines of destruction. As if a gaol and death would pay their debts; as if money was to be found in the blood of a debtor, and they were to open his veins to find it.

"That bind the ready hands of industry,

Pinion the willing wings, and bid men fly;
Resolv'd to ruin me the Shortest Way,

They strip me naked first, then bid me pay."

"But this is not yet all. For, though I confess I did not expect it, yet, as some whisperings have been spread of a further plot, even against the life of this unhappy debtor, and that amongst his friends, he cannot but take notice of it here, as what he

thinks the only proper season, as it is indeed one of the chief reasons of this publication. It is no other than a vile and scandalous suggestion, that he made concealments to defraud his creditors; or, in plain English, has not made a fair surrender of his effects. Now, if this be true, he must be the greatest fool as well as knave, knowing how many bloody enemies, as well as base and hypocritical friends, he is encompassed with. But, if it be not true, it is a most vile and barbarous scandal. Omissions are certainly possible; the author is no more infallible than other men. He may, and 'tis much if he has not, in the life of constant hurries that he has lived, have erred in some part of his account; and if this is your charge, if you are men of like frailties, and whose case may one time or other want the like charity-if you have anything left in you that is human -if any compassion for a man in danger, with a family of seven children, that must perish in his disaster, inform him of it, and show him this gulf of destruction before it be too late. If this is not the point, if it be a snare or an advantage you have gotten to expose, and as far as in you lies, to ruin and disappoint him, pray come in with your charge at the meeting, and let it appear. But, if it be nothing but blood, and death is in your imagination, know, gentlemen, the murder is already committed, and your guilt determined in the intention. But, as to himself, he frankly defies your attempt, as he is out of fear at your rage. He has already appealed to sovereign truth in his case, and willingly throws himself into the hands of justice, fairly challenging all the malice of hell, and the rage of men, to fasten the crime upon him."

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Having placed his affairs in a train for settlement, as far as he was able, he resolved to quit a scene that was productive of so much disquiet and vexation. His steps were now directed to Scotland, where we afterwards find him actively employed in promoting the union. But, before his arrival there, he had to encounter fresh scenes of persecution; they are thus related by him :

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'I was no sooner upon my own affairs come out of London, with a design to travel for some time, but these sons of slander reported I was fled; and having nothing to fix a flight upon, it must be for debt. This, however, would not hold, having, just before this pretended flight, made a full, free, and honest surrender of all my affairs which the law directed, and this after four severe trials upon oath. Then I was fled from the resentment of a certain eminent and honourable person, at something printed in the 'Review,' and for which the printer and publisher were called to answer. But this slander was, unhappily for its author, contradicted, in that the paper so giving offence was not written till since I left London. And, as I have on all occasions declared, I had not the least thought of reflecting on that honourable person, so had I offended him, I am too sensible of his lordship's candour and justice to have fled anywhere but to himself; and I would have entirely submitted to ask his lordship's pardon in the humblest manner, making all the satisfaction either his clemency or his justice should have awarded.

"But neither of these things happening to hold water, then it comes out that I have given in a wrong statement of my affairs." De Foe here publishes a letter sent to the commissioners, the purport of which was that some nameless person could discover an estate of 4007. per annum, belonging to De Foe, which he had omitted in his schedule; but, before he revealed the secret, he expected the expenses of his journey to be defrayed, and a reward secured to him, of which notice should be given in the Gazette. Upon this malicious hoax he observes, "This gentleman had been unknown till now, for any answer that had been given to so plain a sham; because, had D. F. 4001. per annum, he would certainly have had no creditors to surrender to; and the money to be paid before the discovery intimated so much of a cheat, that it was not worth an advertisement in the 'Gazette,' which would have cost ten shillings to answer such a fellow, who was left

Review, iii. 397-400.

to go on with his discovery his own way. But since he, or some other person like him, has taken upon him to raise such a report, I shall answer in short-that if any man can make out any concealment, fraud, or wilful reserve of anything relating to my account or effects surrendered, and pleases to offer proof of it, in whatever nation, kingdom or country I may happen to be, I will, on the first notice, come to England, and put myself into the hands of justice, to suffer whatever the law shall inflict. In the meantime, I beg of all impartial persons who regard the reputation and character of an injured and innocent man, that they will treat such stories with the contempt they deserve till fair proof be made; and this is all the favour I ask.-D. F."*

CHAPTER XII.

THE most important subject that occupied the attention of Parliament, and of the nation in the year 1706-7, was the union with Scotland. In the success of this measure De Foe was warmly interested, and he discovered his zeal by composing and publishing a variety of works; in some of which he exhibited its policy and utility, and in others replied to the arguments of its opponents.

As De Foe had resided a considerable time in Scotland, he had ample opportunities for making his observations upon the country and its inhabitants; and the result was favourable to both. In debating the Union, he says "Those who fancy there is nothing to be had there but wild men and ragged mountains, storms, snows, poverty, and barrenness, are quite mistaken; it being a noble country, of a fruitful soil and healthy air, well seated for trade, full of manufactures by land, and a treasure great as the Indies at their door by sea. The poverty of Scotland, and the fruitfulness of England, or rather the difference between them, is owing not to mere difference of climate, or the nature of the soil; but to the errors of time, and their different constitutions. And here I must tell our friends in England, who are so backward to set their country free, and so willing to enslave us again, that the different face of the two countries, to whoever will please to survey them as I have done, is the best lecture upon politics. All the land in England is not fruitful, nor that in Scotland all barren. Climate cannot be the cause; for the lands in the north of Scotland are in general better than the lands in Cornwall, which are near six hundred miles south of them; but liberty and trade have made the one rich, and tyranny the other poor."+

In prospect of the intended union, he devoted one of his 'Reviews' to a poem upon the subject, entitled, 'Peace and Union.' His rhyming genius being as prolific as the subject, it produced two other poems, which appeared in some subsequent numbers. But he rendered more important services to the promoters of the measure by his publications in prose. The act of security, which had been lately revived in Scotland, and conceded by the necessities of the English ministers, had caused much unnecessary alarm amongst the Tories of England. To allay their fears, De Foe published his pamphlet, entitled"The Advantages of the Act of Security, compared with those of the intended Union, 1706.' Whilst the treaty was in progress, he published several other works, both in England and Scotland, for the purpose of forwarding the business. One of these was— 'An Essay at removing National Prejudices against a Union with Scotland. To be continued during the Treaty here. Part I: London, 1706.' A second part was advertised in the Review' for the 25th of May; and it was followed by three other

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parts with the same title, and all published between this and the commencement of the

next year.

But it was not by his pen only that De Foe promoted this great measure; he also contributed to it largely by his personal services. By the recommendation of Harley, he acquired the favour and patronage of Lord Godolphin, who seems to have entertained as high an opinion of his talents and integrity as his first benefactor. At the suggestion of these ministers, he was now taken into the service of the Queen, and had the honour, as he himself informs us, "to be employed in several honourable, though secret services." The precise nature of them he does not state, only that he acquitted himself to the satisfaction of his employers.

Scotland now became the scene of his labours. His ready talents and insinuating address, combined with his general knowledge of commercial affairs, pointed him out to the ministers as a fit person for a mission to that country; and the regard he had always manifested for the Scots, would render him more acceptable to them than many of his countrymen. The subject also was by no means new to him, having conversed upon it many years before with the late King William. The extreme jealousy of both nations against any encroachments upon their church establishments threw many obstacles in the way of its success, and required the utmost delicacy upon the part of its managers. De Foe was well acquainted with the sources of these mutual antipathies; and a confidence in his abilities, founded upon past experience, fully justified the choice of the ministers. Before his departure, he had the honour of an introduction to the Queen, and kissed her hand upon his appointment.

De Foe arrived in Edinburgh early in the month of October, 1706, and was recognised by the treaters in a character almost diplomatic. He disguised his journey under motives of curiosity, strengthened by the encouragement of his friends, "who thought he might be useful there in prompting a work that he was fully convinced was for the general good of the whole island, and particularly necessary for strengthening the Protestant interest." By this journey, he tells us, he had an opportunity of witnessing all the succeeding transactions relating to the union, and of using his best endeavours to answer the many frivolous objections formed and improved there with great industry against it. He was frequently sent for by the committees of parliament, and employed in making calculations relating to trade and taxes. Being thoroughly conversant with these matters, he sat down to them with great expertness, and had the satisfaction of seeing his labours approved.

During the tumults at Edinburgh, he partook of the common danger that threatened all the advocates for the union. It was then unsafe to appear in the streets, and the terror of the inhabitants made them extinguish the lights in their houses. De Foe happening to view the proceedings of the mob from his window, had a large stone thrown at him; "for they suffered nobody to look out, especially with any light, lest they should know faces, and inform against them afterwards." He adds, "the author of this had his share of the danger in this tumult, and though unknown to him, was watched and set by the mob, in order to know where to find him; had his chamber windows insulted, and the windows below him broken by mistake. But, by the prudence of his friends, the shortness of its continuance, and God's providence, he escaped." In the midst of these scenes of disorder, he collected the documents which he afterwards published for the instruction of posterity; and they furnished him with a number of incidents which serve to illustrate the spirit of the times, as well as to enliven his narrative.

Towards the close of the year, whilst the treaty was still under debate, De Foe published some verses in praise of Scotland, entitled-' Caledonia, &c. A Poem in honour of Scotland, and the Scots Nation. Edinburgh, 1706.' The chief design of the poem, next to that of doing justice to the Scots nation, is to invite an increased

attention to the improvement of the country, by the encouragement of commerce and agriculture, which would raise its prosperity to a degree commensurate with its natural advantages. Our author's gratitude for the favours he received from the Scots led him to embalm the worth of many of their most eminent families. De Foe celebrates the courage of the Scots, and enumerates some of their military exploits. He endeavours to prove that the situation of Scotland rendered it well adapted for trade ; he speaks honourably of the abilities of the inhabitants; he commends them for their learning, and their attention to religion; and he hints at the advantages which they might derive from an union with England. But though De Foe's Poem was a panegyric upon Scotland and Scotsmen, it did not wholly consist of commendation. He takes notice of the evils that the common people suffered from their vassalage to their chiefs, and from their ignorance of the blessings of liberty. He also censures the Scots for not improving the natural advantages which their country possessed, and for neglecting their fishery; and he gives them some excellent advice.

Amidst all his most active personal labours, our author found time to compose several separate replies to various opponents of the union; and during the whole period continued the Review' at its usual rate of three numbers a-week without intermission. On this, and all other occasions, he seems very anxious "to assure the world that wherever the writer may be, the Reviews' are written with his own hand; no person having, or having had, any concern in writing them but the known author, D. F."

De Foe's residence in Scotland brought him acquainted with many persons of consideration in that kingdom, from some of whom, as we have seen, he received many tokens of kindness and friendship. For these favours his connexions in England enabled him afterwards to make some return; and, however, his services were undervalued by the party-writers of the day, it appears there were some amongst the great and the noble who were proud of his correspondence, and profited from his political interests.*

Dunton, who wrote at this period-A Secret History of the Weekly Writers,' begins his catalogue with De Foe, of whom he speaks well in the main, but with all the jealousy of a rival journalist. His account of him, which is marked with all the singularities of that eccentric writer, is as follows:

"To do him justice, take him with all his failings, it must be acknowledged that De Foe is a man of good parts, and very clear sense. Whatever he says upon the subject of peace and war, is so true and correct, that (like Pythagoras's ipse dixit) it might almost stand for an infaìlible rule. He is master of the English tongue; can say what he pleases upon any subject; and by his printing a poem every day, one would think rhimed in his sleep. It is his misfortune that a prejudiced person should write his character. But (with all my revenge) I cannot but own his thoughts upon any subject are always surprising, new, and singular; and though he write for bread, could never be hired to disgrace the quill, or to wrong his conscience; and which crowns his panegyrick, he is a person of true courage. It is true, I have reason to think Daniel De Foe dares not quarrel with John Dunton; but I believe he fears nothing on earth but

* The following extract from a letter to the Earl of Buchan, by De Foe, dated the 29th May, 1711, was communicated to Mr Chalmers, by his lordship's grandson. "The person with whom I endeavoured to plant the interest of your lordship's friend has been strangely taken up since I had that occasion; viz. first in suffering the operation of the surgeons to heal the wound of the assassin; and since, in accumulating honours from parliament, the Queen, and the people. On Thursday evening her majesty created him Earl Mortimer, Earl of Oxford, and Lord Harley of Wigmore; and we expect that to-morrow, in council, he will have the white staff given him by the Queen, and be declared Lord-Treasurer. I wrote this yesterday, and this day, May the 29th, he is made Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain, and carried the white staff before the Queen this morning to chapel."

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